Ry \ AQAA ANS \ RSV Vyy RX CCG oe ais =} SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION i. s- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iv BULLETIN 143 HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS JuuLian H. Stewarp, Editor Volume 1 THE MARGINAL TRIBES Prepared in Cooperation With the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Cultural and Scientific Cooperation mm Se w! SAARC UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1946 ~ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Price $2.75 eS mwas . gp CP GEr G LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INsTITUTION, Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D.C., April 1, 1944. Str: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “Handbook of South American Indians. Volume 1. The Marginal Tribes,” edited by Julian H. Steward, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, Frank H. H. Ropserts, Jr., Acting Chief. Dr. C. G. Anpor, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Mena y | 4 BUEN ne dane te . vs ‘uy ven wi) en) i 5 A ot } wee :) : i a) } ih 4 : ifi» pNH 7 ; ay Me 17) ii, a ah ye ‘ : ie Ms) | A eS et nt Oa AY [one . . i al if i ! E uf Bi opiate Naar peer, \earscre” eee pecan DD. oes sit CONTENTS PAGE J ORE EE 1 (ee = oats FN Se ag 5 a ae aia te xIxX Imtroduction; by Julians Steward) Widitor=—- 2-2 22" Ser 1 PresentationJommaterialssnanener - es os ee ee 5 Acknowledomentsmeetneene ts see arn tat se ters one soaeS: 8 Contributors wor Volumes seer 6 = set ttt 8 ee Ee sek eee 11 Pant 1. Indians of southerm*south Americal — 0 °° 208 13 The Southern Hunters: An introduction, by John M. Cooper__-_-_-__- 13 The archeology of Patagonia, by Junius Bird______-______________- 17 Introduchoneaee ssnremees Se 2m ere = 9a eee a ee ee l7¢ Estory offimvestivapionsis ==" 022 kn Te ee ee See 18 Culture sequence at the Strait of Magellan-.__________________ 19 Culture sequence at Beagle Channel_________________________ 20 RIL TC] ay ae = ee ae ae & 2 ee ee a eee eee 21 Pata POniaireul Mm Tes oe =~ tenes Ce See ene ee er ts 22 Chilosvigihacaseee = + =e SS 8 8 A ee eae ee ee ee 23 esearchproplemseasanee = st ses = 8 eee ee ee ee 23 Psion pareays th yee oS A SS Se Oe eee 24 The archeology of the Greater Pampa, by Gordon R. Willey_.-__-_- 25 Geopraphyrandtenvironments* ==" <~ 22 *< 920" Se 25 SOlITCcs aeamnman ¢ at Bihee ss sone hm oe me we ers ne EI ae 26 The basic) eulturejofthe;Greater Pampa! 9 ee 26 Limits of the Greater Pampa archeological area______________- 30 SubdivisionsyofttiesGreater Pampa’ - 2 31 Conclusiqnstandsproblems 2" 2732" se2= seer nee 45 1 By fof uLoy ces {OLD i 2 os 2, pet aye ae eg payed fi tell pe a 46 The: Chono, by Johny MinCooper:s 2.2257 et Se ee 47 Natural ‘environment * 2" toot reno esos ns Re 47 WerntoryAasetee ster stotastocer tafser OT eee 47 NSCS AHO n Me nvasIOn SS 2 = so S258 = Se soe eee See oe ee ie 48 Pistory otmnyvestipation =" "72S. + sce s= snares as ee 48 en Ste pee ee See ee eo SS = PE Se PS ie ee a 48 ‘Populationse2n4-pasnt ce rots S97 nests sen ae heen es. 49 ean puree She 8 bs Fe ee AN ROSES Ser ee rere hee es 50 Subsistenceractivitiess: Sant tc ee eee ee 50 HiguRestes shes Sete ae >= 2 treme er tee 9 NEUEN oe 51 Dresstandornaments=*27 = ese sers Moen Oana ek bil Dransporiationcs sears * =~ * <= oS ene ee a 51 NATE UCCR ae SoS B= et eemels Venera eee sever. eee eer 52 peciopoliticaltcmliume:.4 5° * == == "<= 9 Ae ee ea aoe 52 ihitetey .clemeeenmaie = S25 8s 4 Oe 8 tae BEER ee eS 53 Esthetic and recreational activities._._...._.._......____-_-- 53 RetpIOuEr A Sar en hehe nem netn meme = PFIE Ee oo aa 53 ane alacahit poy uniusr Did oe Set mabe eles re Tet OE 55 Flabita rn nmeMiistory Sewer nee: ee ee we eee een fe meri so 2 55 IG LILET 2) arenes nets attest eS aa a ied lela eh dn pen ic adatom 58 Caliimc Saneae Seen no nk Se Chee a se ee bh NS Ee ey ys) 58 DUDRISteNnCeAChiVviliCs= |= 92h Se =r eee eee ee a ae 58 VI CONTENTS Part 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. The Alacaluf, by Junius Bird—Continued. Culture—Continued. PAGE Domesticated animals= >= Os seas ae see See es 63 TET US eee rae ee Se ee ee en 64 Dress: and’ ormaments2478te ee. 3 = Sea eee ase oe ee 66 Transportation and communieation—_-------=-=--2-.--__= 66 IVD TN TER CHUN CS iS Se ee ae ee a pr 68 Exchange and distribution of goods__---_-__-_----------- 70 Social and political organization_--..-=.-.-.-.. -----_._._.~ 71 Wrartare: © 2. oo Se BS ee ee ee eee ene ea al Whifeseyelec wiz 2h 2 Sobek cee ee oe ee oe 71 Esthetic and recreational activities_.._.._._.._._._._.____-__- 77 Shamanismiandicuning 22 222 ee 2 ee 78 Religion.2- 2235 see eee oe ee 78 Bibliography -2.22=5---2---s2--5s-ssees-05 6p ee eee 79 The Yahgan, by John M: Coopers] = 22385 eee 2a eee 81 Introduction==. = =5.25 593s a ee eee $1 G@ultur@: 222 5-262 22222 Se et 83 Subsistence\activities=2s-2- 22-6 25 ae 2 eee ee 83 Campsiand sheltersa 22-5 See Aa ee 84 ‘Dressanadormaments tae ats ae a ee ee 86 TANS pPOLtaviON==a.)> sae e ne ee a eS 88 Manufactures: ococo ssf. oslo neee eee eee ee = = 89 Socialyand politicallifes)== = se" ss eo a a eee 91 Economicvlites 2-2 2522s See ee ee ee 95 Btiquettelss=! senate se oes eee ae ee eee ae ee 97 Warfare and cannibalism = es. yee pee eee 97 Life cyclesy2 2225 cee oS te a Se oe we 97 Esthetic and recreational activities=2=— p22) sae ee 100 Religionev = S232 22325 Sei ae ee ee a 103 Mythology =< 2-2 525225 oe ena ee eee 105 Lore ‘and learning 2. <3 2 jo et ee ee 105 Bibliography. ===. 2-32 252-66 5226 See 106 The Ona, by John M. ‘Cooper. -.22.. .-2-2 ==- 5 - ee eeee 107 Naturalvenvironment=22 5. sees oe oe eee eee 107 RETVMItOLY..$ 252 Se Se ose een eee ee eee ee 107 Pribaliaivislons — c= = SS ee ee ee ee 108 Ioanouage. 22.292 ce bs aoe eee ea eee es ee eee eee 108 Population. 2.2. Sees non Sete nen ae ee anaes 108 History ob investigation’ 22 8a - ese sae ee ee ee eee 109 Culitres] Se soho SO ee ae See ee ee 109 Subsistence svc tiwlGie ses ee ae ee 109 Shelterse ie Sse Se ony gL ee oe 110 Dress and omaments =. 32s ee ee ee ee Halal Transportation... = 22262 552 ee eee ee 112 Manufactures: 2 302. o2ccce 2 oc aoe eee eee aa 112 Social: and political life. ._.5. teen ee ee eee 115 Heonomie life: =. 32 oe ee er 118 Whifevevcle: 2. =. -22c25s.ke 5500 See ee ee ae 119 Esthetic and recreational activities.__..-_.-2-—.=---4 2=--- 122 Religion... - 2 2.-.-s<-s2c0 oes see ee eee 122 Mythology. 2.2 --.3- 2025 5o 25355055 ee ee ee 124 Eore ‘and learning... 2 2.22.2 55 eee ee ee 125 Bibliography — 22-22-25 3555 so aeeee ee ee eee 125 CONTENTS VII Parti. Indians of southern South America—Continued. PAGE The Patagonian and Pampean Hunters, by John M. Cooper-------- 127 Naturalkenvironments. << -eeeeeee eee ee eeeee eeeeeeaee es eee 127 The Patagonian and Pampean tribes...--------------=------- 128 History. of-investigation..-=-.---2--=<=-<<-<]-e SSI 855_ SL - 138 @ulturemehe. oe =e ee ee tock ecco a LES = = 140 Tohwelchetculturess2 eee ee A ee = = 141 Subsistenceractivities=-_- 5a eee ee a eS 142 Camps and shelters_-_-....-------- MAMIIONRATE: 1438 Dressrandsonrnaments= ee eee eee ee 144 MransportatioNacew-e-— cece cee eee eS ee - = = 146 Manuactinese -<-2-ee- cece esse eee == Se. 146 SOCialglife nie ties SE ee eee cee eee Sa ee Sees 149 Polittcalalitetet as se. 2 een eee ee ee A ee 150 Wrartarcesse ts dete s Se ethene cee Oe 152 Heonomicccultunetass=-5.. Soe Y ae eas == 153 Ubihes cy. Cle ae See le pyc es react OEE A 153 Warfare, anducannibalism—- =a ae eee 156 Esthetic and recreational activities___.__-__----------- 156 Religions 3+—-beeetede feet eet I = 157 Shamanisnises) tio tee oe 52 eS 159 Mythologytsssuede teats = SOUDOL) TO TAU aE, Oo. 159 iLoreiandtlearming ta ae. eee Sse ee eee STR? 8 oe | 159 Roya Cultun@sie eta e eect Spann oreo mre <2 ct ee 160 Ruelcheycul turestete. ee Serr cer eee eS SE 161 Subsistenceractivitiess..- a ee a eee 162 Sheltersel palin oe eee eee eee = 162 Dressyangxonnaments eee ee ee ee See ee 162 PransponbawObee joc oe oe otc e oe cio et OO 163 IMamuUPACtlines ees eeewe Ss eee eee eae eee See 163 SO Gi allie eee ee ge ee et SO SS 163 Politicaldlifes jess cece eee SE aE AS. E 164 Hconomicicultunex=ate se SE SE 164 Wuideney. Cle eee et ee eee eee BES 165 Esthetic and recreational activities_______.-_--------- 167 Reli@ione jee eee cece eee eee Se Se eee ee ames 167 Sham am Sree py ey Ee bee 168 Nia DO ORY, == See ee ee ea eee es 168 ILoresand learning sooo ee J Oe. = #68 Bibliography=<.....2.2-- 42 seu) Die Awe ek) eee Sh. 168 The Muarpesbyssalvador Canals. Fran... 3 Eee - 169 Tribalidivisions and history Jess. ene Sue A ee Seen 169 @ulturnes cere eee ete, ee ees Lae. 170 Subsistence activities... = 2... SS e eee ae lene et 170 FIG UISCS ee nthe nn ete ee eo E - 171 IDTEessvan GUORNAM CNS S22. a ee ee ee = 171 PUANSPONt AION sep SIO I eS 171 INiamUfactlnes Sentero ee ee ae EE Cee 172 Social and political organization_-__-_--------------- = dvs Esthetic and recreational activities.___.____------------ 175 Me PION gence etre ee ee SR 175 Bibliogsaphys ooo oso TU _ La Seg Jute se oee 175 Indians of the Paran4 Delta and La Plata Littoral, by S. K. Lothrop. 177 TG RO CLUE © Tene ee ge ote A eee Wid VIII CONTENTS Parr 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. Indians of the Parana Delta and La Plata Littoral, by S. K. Lothrop—Con, PAGE Sources2_-2 25 ee eo ere ee Eee 178 Cultural summary .-_ .* . - setae seen 9 eee eel aye)" P = 178 The (Guarants: 2222252502 2.522 52.): eae eee at ed 179 Subsistence activities-2. =. 2-2 ub 5 = eee sas Ss be eh pea etort y= 179 Housesiand' villages= 2222022 See aeey epee 2 on 2 179 Dresssandornaments-=- 2 =~ Sass ee eee ea ES 180 Transportation: - ——.——- == 5— ye e e e e e 180 Weapons): 22. 28 ok ee ee ee ees 2s oe te 180 Socialtculturés: <2: 20255555 22 eee hee oe eS 180 The-Querandic os: 225 52.22 22522. ele ees Fe ee 180 HIStory oe on pee eee eee eee ee re eee ae 180 Physical type- 2 - sa. os2o2220 220522 eee eee 181 Wangtagel.ss2 2200s So es Set Sees yee eae eee 181 Subsistence activities. --=- =2 — = Seal Bie eee 182 THOUSCS? = = see eo ee eee tee Ee Ee eee 182 IDressvand ornament sha ees ae ae ee eee 182 Weapons. 2 =.. S222 a tenet ees fan eae ee =e 182 WiSThSTO™ ee cee ee SRS Oe ek eee re Se 183 Socialtculture: oases sss 5 eed er ere 183 The Manuanélor Gitenode- sen. nee eee eee ee ee 183 History. se ee eo ee ee eee st a = © 183 Cultures 2 ss Se ae Se es Se eee Speen es Ae 184 The WarGe. 2 foe ee eee he eee eee Se 2 184 History... 3225502252505 eee en eaters eee 184 Cultures 22 ee te ee pees Se Se eee sees 184 The: Bohané: 2 oc eee ee ee Be eee eee 185 The ‘Change o> 22250555522 22" 3 32 ee a erp eee es 185 History. 22 oe ce peas eee ee ee Se re eee 185 Cultures 4 f2" = 223 Sees Be eee es eee ee 186 The Chang=Mberué..- 25220-2225 s Se ee eee eS 186 The, Chané-Timbt. S222. 3b. 2s = ee eee ee ee 186 ‘Phe Mberian 2 a2 SA es ee ee ere 187 The Timbt.. =. - ae eed ye a ed ERE SS ES 187 WIStONY score eee ee eee ae ee 187 Physical appearance. 2° .- >> So oe eae 2 ot est a Se @ulture. =e | bts Sane beet ss eee eeneren ere sss 187 The: @arcarana- 2-2-0002 eee Se Bee es BEE eee 190 The Corondé, Quiloaz4, and Colastiné_______..__._-.-.-..--.--- 190 Bibliography. _._. 2 ae a eA ee eta el anes 190 The Charrua, by Antonio Serrano. --- sestent bas eeeeete ieee se 191 Tribal divisionsand history.20= "2" 2> "=" = 9 ee eee nee 191 Physical characteristics. _' .. = eatseten «eee eee DSS 192 Language: ne A Se See oe ere Se 192 Cultures 2 ee ey epee eae ne ee > 192 Subsistence activitiess..= >> 5 ee ee eee ee 192 HMOuUses- eae eee ee eee ae et 192 Dress and! ornaments tse ya) el a ie ps Seb ee 193 Transportatione:!2 b-(446 taint tees Fig al eee eee ee 193 Manufactures. 2.5. - oo ee eee eee 194 Social and political organization. = =~ =<= "22 = Sabena 194 Warfare: 2-1 Jssefticl 2ta/9 woh Saeed ete See ead 194 CONTENTS Part 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. The Charrua, by Antonio Serrano—Continued. Culture—Continued. Esthetic and recreational activities__._..__._...___..__--_- iene aes wee eee A ee eee Serene Tee Se eee Bibliopraphy2e2* ele reson ee ste es os Sete re ss Stee tee ee- Rae?) indianstotsthe Gran’ Chaco22 222 = 22 oe. eat ee eee Ethnography of the Chaco, by Alfred Métraux_____-_------------- Geopraiiyeee sen a eee eee foe Post-Contactenistoryt.-- 8-2-6 eke ee oo pea eee eee 2 SOUTCESRE ae weet ne ts ee ARE ee ee PA cent eon ee Archeology or tne Chaco. 8 68 koe ce Loe eee So Cultural influences’on the’ Chaco areas _ = __2- 2 >= 2422-422 2-2. hinguisticvandhtribalidivisionsh 3 foes a eee oe ee ee LherGuaicuruan linguistic family 22 = Sees ta eee aT iherMascolanilinowistic family == ees s "sor eee eee eile Dremiule-Valelanslinewisticwamily, 2 eec8 See! ee ee Tribes of the Bermejo Basin of uncertain linguistic affiliation _ The Matacoaningnisticvamily, = 435 er eS The Dupi-Guaranian linguistic family 22-222) 2265252229" LherArawakan lino wistic family 22 5325 Seay er ee ‘Dhe’Zamucoan linguistic family +2 2222 2" 222" Sis eee * Unidentified Indian tribes on the Upper Paraguay--_------- CGM TT eye tol ac ry Rap genre vt, Wheeled Hal. Housestand villages... 222 "Se crn terrors sos ees EITC UTe eee mes eee sens fy oe EY ae ne See ae tee S ransporcanion® 298 san PA& te ha Rees ee VESTA CURE Se eee ete eee eee ene ee ee ae eee cre Social/and! politieal-organtzation! 222-023 25.. - e - tiquet tesa = sae n Seen Tne arn inte eee awe Visint ane yee both 9 One yee ee Sey Ree IGIFENCY.Cle Re eet ee Deel eee Te ee Esthetic and recreational activities__.........._._------._- EDU RV OPC Ue MO a ea le gpl ee nag yi aeging aMpinted: ghelctetinls | TY BM REGENT Sas ape orn 2d i a ee a BVA UENO LO poy Pt ee LR Oe Reg eg on Tae eg UBT OU SCSY eae OS ip yeng a yy ii ly yt app ep ei alg UT UaTY AL. The present-day Indians of the Gran Chaco, by Juan Belaieff_____-_- Introductions see eS ee ne ee ee Culture Social-and’ politicalorganization_— PACE C OC Ht ee treat nie pres a oe ee UDG SEE A ate el oa ee padeareat peat iy yew ani Jak eae oml ts pe), RE ORC CLC ee ee ee ew ERE EAT Oe 8 ee ee ee oo Religion and folklores---. een e ee ee IX x CONTENTS PAGE Pant 3., Che indians of eastern prac. os anne see ee eee ees 381 Eastern Brazil: An introduction, by Robert H. Lowie_._._________- 381 introduction= =~ + -++-=-- 2902 The ENO er We ae Wier | SS: 381 Culture-s===>2222ss222-2=2222225422822 22252 ss - st: 382 Subsistence activities === 2==<22==252=22+-2- ues 382 Houses:and-villages. > 2=-2<=- 222 Ms ee ae FO ah = 383 Dressrand-ornaments22 24 _ Ye VES Ser 1? MBs 384 APransporta tion. ~~~ ee ee 385 Manufactures =+2-2-24222:2 229-50 eee Oey ® 385 Social-and political organization. --2-222=2====22.— 220222 - 387 Wrarlarés==ss2ee2 420225183235 5-> eee ee ee eee 391 fnite-ey clé- ++ =4<- 2. == S828 Se ee ee 391 Esthetic and recreational activities!22-2_- 22 202 PPT eee eee 392 DUpernacuralism=<4= = CMs See eee See ee 394 Miythologys:22s>==2>s See eee See See eens See eae 397 Lagoa Santa Man, by Anibal-Mattos] Saag! Bites sreths Ok 225: 399 BIDNOOTa DT ye ee oe tee ee sat ee eee Oe ee ae een ae 400 The sambaqufs of the Brazilian coast, by Antonio Serrano_-_-_-______- 401 Introductions 42 2% = 5 21S s" See eee ee eee 401 Origin. of the-saniaquiss == \ARees Pee See eee eee ete 401 Morphologyse2=222222 522 Sees ee eee eee 403 ANtiGUityaOlsbhe sal Aq Ulises sae ee eee ee eee ee 404 Culturés-and Taces+)-5s--5 P5552 2s es see Shes eee rere eee 404 ‘Bibligpraphy=2 532222 242+ 24 44ss 2 eee eee oe 407 ‘heiGuato- by -Alfred’Métraux=22=2 22 22a ae ee eee eee 409 Archeology s2 52S 2A' sane sae 352 es Ce ee ene 409 History and geographical*position 2) = ss2>=s22 5 seen = 409 Cultvites- 2 SS kS- ss ss4 055553 8200s eR eee 410 Subsistence activities’ = ee eee 410 Houses*=2 £22828 eek Soak eas Heese eee eee 411 Dress and ornaments = ee ee eee ee re ee een ee 412 Pransportation= === += se eee eres lee ee aa ce 412 Manutactires® 23222 S22 2s! s824s <= S8se ener eee a 413 Secial-and-political organizations 223555" =s==2e aes > 2 417 Wiarfares 2242+ 522 usu cae de de ae eetat ea ete Se eee oe 418 Esthetie-and-recreational ‘activities. == 22 2_ 222s ee ss 418 Bibliography: === 204-+ == =< 28eeese se ones eese see: 418 ELH eMBOLOKO aDy=hLO bers OWiles= \ === aan === Ss seen neren nr Sone 419 Dibaltdivisions’and history =—— = 20 oes ee ee eee 419 Gulgure sa Awe ss 4 = + + NA eee eae doa eee eS eee 420 SUbsIstencevactivitiess: |. ee ee oe eae ee ee eee ee 420 Mousestand‘villages=====<=22eS's2s 52225 sess a 420 Dressand ornaments==-22 ee = 2s 2 eee eee 421 ‘Pransportation=-=-+ =~ =2e 24 4< sore yee eee eee a oe 422 Manuftactires*<-s< A> sa2 45ers OR ee eee eS 422 Sociasandspoticallorgzanizavion= === === eee 426 Warlaress8 i242 -< +5245 25 554 ss Obs ee eee Ae avew ses oe 428 Bite-ey cle: <= == 2 ===. - Oe Ram See ee ee SS 428 Hsthetievand recreational activities:==2=2" "222-2245 22-—_—— 431 Relicionsand shamanisme==== ===" === == === =ae eee eee 432 My thology 2-8 Ea ee Se RRR OEE See ew er 433 Bibliggraphy#s224 <2 244+ -4+ Su 203 2 See ee eee oe 434 CONTENTS XI Part 8. The Indians of eastern Brazil—Continued. PAGB The Guayaki, by Alfred Métraux and Herbert Baldus____--_-------- 435 History and geographical situation....-...-..-...... 430283 435 Cilia eae Bit See Pe et eects ES. 436 Subsistencerictivities= so. oo sec eee eo IE 436 Camps fand houses... YOU Pets vel soetats. 3 438 Dresstand Ornaments. 2 ee eee eee ee oS. 438 Dransgortabioneletwe 222220. as occ c owen EA. 439 Manufacturess)4 karti s. och sien? atau) arynoyrey jb 439 Socialyand. political organizationsavaht jure sanieeth Jager’ . 441 icifereyi Clem we oreetinnn gable Whee 2 oes eae 442 Esthetic and recreational activities__......_._..----------- 443 Religion. 2... Mies cee an en e-beam! 443 Mythology zee tenis... -.ceecel eden cc eee sees 444 Medicines Pas. eee cece ence cS Siar: an nod ss 444 Bibliography 2). lewis = eet 444 The Caingange byeAlired Métraux.._..-....-....2egesteneM... 445 Mribalidivisions and! historyesis4sie amen fentrlaey Ren leis 445 Present situation of the Caingang groups._...-_-_-_----------- 448 Culture te . veer pt. jie. . wiptletinp ye here epee Eo 450 Subsistence, activities. ooo ee ee OT 5 450 Houses. eos). Bebieling been jeanne hae obted ted _ _. .. 453 Dress and ornaments... =... eater hae omineteds_ = 456 PErANSDOrLAtION. 2. Scececc ene ooece cece een eee Teele 457 Manufactures... 2s... -8zente bowls. et. iene 3 457 Socialiorganizations2s__... ead Jee panielih dated 461 Political Orpanizagion = ccc eas ccce ne mseea se cse Sane 463 hifeteyclewt 1 i sve... 2 5. sable apoetgiedee os. 463 WYER RTO oo ree is Ee ee pe A 467 Ptiquetiess: Mitirans |. staneenany bye apeyl To 467 Esthetic and recreational activities..__.c...-._..-....----- 468 Communication=) Si sees 8 = ee epee k= 470 RCH PIONS ee a pean lng 3 oo 470 IMivthOlo Gyo eo ee oe ese ee eee) 473 APSR mre 0S eS ee re i RR 475 The Northwestern and Central Ge, by Robert H. Lowie__---------- 477 Tribal divisions... _.... s2H4iebies_lesoiieewat has wtbelee 2 477 PEC O NO Diy pee cea Se ee eg, Sea 479 History of the Geq 025 oes) eee 2 see MS. 479 DOUINCEG te Shee 5 9 te Nee 480 Coltured. .9fi-re} sltglenaqil tipiat! ben Adaste dongle he 4 480 Subsistence. activities... 2ytebwaceeh~ py) Pee pero SM _ _ _ 480 Houses, and, villages. ....-....-eroteid hee sapiviolh jadiv'l - 482 Dress.and ornaments. 2 6 222 222 ek ee ce one seebe 484 Transportation: - 25 eden orem thie... 486 Manuiscturesss 22 oe oe ee ee cc 487 Politiealorganization _.—..--.. aeaeepuers Supe weet 8 488 Social organization 2. 22s eee oe . eeeetioee Mock. 490 Warfare). =... 5-2 -eebbostiaeow: Innitiien baw leianZ 498 Utevevelecs = sero oo Aes So Se Ss eee oe 499 Esthetic and recreational activities___......_...----------- 501 Supermatiralisme sic foe eet ee pee. 28. 509 Mythology and literature. ..- - 2222. .=-2-22-222es=nelds - 515 MOnCMmNGUICA TMCS. setae ee Be ee tn oe eee 516 Paap phe ee eee bee ee eee e es eoeee 517 XII CONTENTS Part 3. The Indians of eastern Brazil—Continued. PAGE The Southern Cayapé, by Robert H. Lowie___________.__________- 519 Bighory <2 5 ae ee ee ae eee et 519 Ui): i a a emi Se epi PP |! + 519 Bibhopraphy—_.. -_. -_.-- ._._-_- . Se 520 The Guaitacs, by. Alfred Métraux___-._... 20st) bee wee 521 @uilbure se sco on ce be ee ce 522 Bibliography. - = = 522 The Purf-Coroado linguistic family, by Alfred Métraux_____________ 523 Tribalidivisions and. history2esss ee Sa ee pe 523 Qoittunes = es oe ae eee en ee Bee es 524 Subsistence activities:2:2 0) Uae tavine? Bee apres 524 Domesticated animals... .— ~~... ccccnee RM. = 525 IQUSeS Heo 222 Oe ee Bee ee coe ie 525 Dress and jormmaments. 2 ee ee 525 ‘Pransportation. <2 =< Wesco ce ee ee 526 Mannfacturnes: =.=. = Pe a eh ee) s 526 ocial._ and political organization=--5) 2.45 Saale ie PeeE ye = 527 Courtesy xites.... Seuere Nee) Ab Olas: Jieere ss 527 Warfare and cannibalism... 2-22 cee cece ceca] Se 528 Tifercycle. 228. oe ee ee Oe 528 Esthetic and recreational activities__.___.._....__.__-____- 528 Shamanism and religion__________ SS ACLO Dik wares 529 Bibliopraphy.. —- 2 = ooo ace es oe 530 The Batocudo, by Alfred Métraux...._..-...-.... Sees 531 Tribal/divisions‘and. history... . -.... 84) Ae ae 531 Cultures23 2.2 oo os eS 532 Subsistence /activities=—.c aoe ee ee 532 Houses. and. villages... -oe ce ckeeet e 534 ‘Dress .and (ornaments... 2 oe Gc 534 ‘Transportation. ...2 262 298 enol ee bie Oe ee 535 Manufactures= 2 oe ee 535 Social organization 2c. <u eee eee 536 Cannibalism: — << <ctee ae eee 537 Life cyclen. nc eee eee ee eee 537 Medicines! JF) Tiida Fa_ Se) ie) ie Sesion 4 537 Esthetic and recreational activities____.__.___..-__------- 538 IRPRRION- <2 oe cn ech ee Cece oer eee eee es = eee 538 Mythology... 22-2 ec cee cece ee Oe ee 540 BIBHOpERONY. 8. ee eee ee eee eee 540 The Mashacalf, Patashé, and Malali linguistic families, by Alfred Métraux and Curt. NimuendajG..... 0 V8 nee. 541 ribal divisions ‘and history.....2....29ueiy Ei memes 2 8 541 Cultures a2. - 2. ee ee 542 Subsistence activities... .._....._ ae 542 Houses... 2. 2. <2 eee ee eee eee eee ee 542 Dress‘and ornaments__......... Soeeegie eee 543 Manufactures... ...- -. =... -=.--l ee ee 543 Social and political organization. __._._...-._------------- 544 i a ee 544 Esthetie and recreational activities__...._._.__----------- 545 Religion... - . = 2 cence sce che ee ee ee 545 Bibliography-— 2+. =2-22.-.2.-.2. 2a Bee ee ee 545 CONTENTS XIII Parr 3. The Indians of eastern Brazil—Continued. PAGE The Camacan linguistic family, by Alfred Métraux and Curt Nimu- CAG CL Ce oh eee Ch ete terme ie RICE 547 tribalkdivisions! and histonyes. =4---s2- se eee ee oe eae s 547 (CUM GTR as he 00 Le ee 548 Subsistence activities! eedue_t Ceti bt 2. ose eee eee 548 EQUS CAR ee ete Brett eS at ce ore te de 548 Dressy andiornamentsssewneee PO! ee eee boca 548 MiamuiactUnes ase eae Some ea ee tae SS ee as ee 549 Mifereyelenn cece ec wk cece cds. eeAL aah tel sels 549 Esthetic and recreational activities___._______________----- 551 Mythology. andifolklore.... ... Sesto. soe) Bet bo saepoeh 55 Bibhosraphy.—..< <M o-ccececs SE Senet) 20). in soeaeh 552 Thexsilapuya; by thobertitiis Lowe... serieewial asbeemetal weqods 553 Bibliographyte. 2fes Pt eae onan SUS) sess. sot Jasleoloss 556 The) @aririnbysRobertees Wowiess2) .Jeteads. sieeell _ sails Jasiealoas 557 Pribalidivisionsvand *historyset! _Jocwed.) alunghl . satie lentenloue 557 Culfures Peweseteee eet ge Im abt. werter pen) 4 558 Bibliography! 222 cece occa c . OAM lo fd. eliery lt 559 ihevpsncarari,: by Robert) Hag Lowie.._.._.4aliesall i sinsta_ sg slererols. 561 Bibliggraphyaeesiee..c ==. 2. Bee A a ay eieepen tS. 561 ThesParairin iby Robert. H.. Lowie-cesen! 2agak 444 45. atalog. altos 563 PLIStORy ou Ser Sete Boneust slisenina seit pak ene) oty 563 (uli ure oe ek eee eee eee ee ne Se 564 Bibliggraplivee- eee ook se So eee eee een ea ee 566 TheWJeicosby tRobert H. Lowie_..- een ee SOS I 567 Bibliograpliyat. - «ce meee eee eee oe I pond aes 567 TheGuck by, Robert...Lowie.....SuLi nk. five. merle one 569 Bibliography. 250 a a 2 oe Hee upp, eels 569 iheiulmo; by: Alfred) Métraux ...-.. =. cayorat iow) einetiten a2 571 Bibliography wet cece eee eee cee pot ahs 571 iheweremembé iby. Alfred. Métraux..—....--..-=..-~._e1eleeet tele 573 SUS) 2S 2 1 ae a eee eR pce thet hee o 573 (CiilGore Fe cece eee cee ee ee Dsl 573 Bibliographyee. Sete ey wees oo ete eee ee pee 574 EibliggraphyitosVolume, Wace sass eab wee ey 8 a ee See 575 CONAN WNHE ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Southern! Patagonian jlandscape=..--------=---=--= ees Sat jisouthern’ Patagonian. landscapes! vibe. beas 222s bea ade AiLandscapes of the. Greater Pampa_.._ =. 532bi'9! tues sees ee //Landseapes of the Greater Pampa_...-..--------.----=2#e22eete - mSouthern Patagonian landscapes = .. -2s- 4-2) eeaast et Sass Archeological sites, southern Chile______.__.._..---.-. =a . Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego______--------- . Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego____----------- piratigraphy, strait of Magellanse.2.:2-—-_....-----2.-.- Sse) Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan... —-.2...--2.--..2.-s9¢¢eeeeees — Hotratigraphy, strait of. Magellan: _. 222225! east o25 beer - Siratigraphy,. Strait, of Magellan. .__--._..._-___=-___ pee - Projectile points of the Pampa proper_=s2-+-+- 225225 22. 422224 = . Sherds from San Blas Peninsula, Buenos Aires Province__---------- mOicrand!SsnHergs>_ . 2-5. -s-eseeceas-s-cosce-b eS eee = mQuerandfsherds2- 2. 2u..- Sh sn24-2- 3 sks en ono eee MOQ uerandicsherds= 22.226. 22224.....-...22Se See ee moQuerand! bonevartifacts..-.....---- = =2-5-5-=22=-- eee eePottery., Mendoza ‘and Angol, Chile___._ste<e1. 34 _se52ig3t 2s “Se amEe 2 MOP olished stonexartifactssec<2..- = — -<2-25se55e5seee 5. eee eeotone, artifacts) from, Neuquén. ..____-—_ Sea See eee mSherds:fromiuC@ordobas.. === 3525-52 S52 eee ee eee peAlacaluf.termitory. 2226. = 22222. 26eee eoe s ek eee mea lacaluiterntory eS Se a eee ka ee meAlacalubichildreneee ea. 2 ee oe ee ek See eee ee neAlacaluft camps s5-..--- <2 2a ase ses ete ee ee meAlacsluf dius. oo ee eee ee er PALA Cali Ete see ot. Aagr-a rene s Soi eh ee oe ye 2s 3 eee PEP AAC AINE AN OCS es a— oes eee ee PF Alacalut plankiboats and implements. 2....=...+22228= 2 2 ees PerAl ac aluiganb aCe aioe eee a ae nee ye ee a | Alncalubiindian types so. .22_. 24240) Soe osuce ee Sie Se | Yahoaumitemndcnranuliaciuresiia5 42... 2 oe ee Sa ee Vahpaneparkicanoe: Sx" Aiere 2 5 Wo So ee ee ee eee ae + Valranserritorysand Canoes. <<..--- ses e eee ee f Yahpanapear GhkOwan Gees no 6 no ee eee ~ Onaand#stehueleheshelters = .52- -= = 2958 see ee ee eee . Ona and wlehuelchecultunes]s=2 2) 2 8 eee ee mwhehuelehercosoumerana. ceremony == 4. = = aa ee ee 2. Pehuelehe un pimp: eee =e! welt ei 8 ee Group, ofaCharrin, US322. 5 2a ee ee ee ee « Charruia pottery and stone merke 26 wee = 2822 eee est . Projectile points from the middle Rfo Uruguay-_------------------- . Chipped-stone artifacts, Charrua territory__...-.__-_-------------- XIV ILLUSTRATIONS a Chaco"landscape l= 222 2S iks Mai, SOME sgt eB ea a et ceptee Ie Bees. Spt id BuO HACOsAM GSC ap CS ss a ph a pe ep Ne a 7 Chacor indians, 1 Othvcentuiny eae a ar ee ete . Chaco fishing techniques=. 5 S228 Ie see ee ete |, ‘Chaco"women’ preparing algarroba-=----255...se-besuseeee ee hee! pC haco"houseses] 222 Sas See ee tee oe Bae eet ey nf . Chaco houses, granaries, and water carrying_---------------------- . Chacoshousest 246 ce tesa het se kt Sgt eee Syne osteo: eee 2 Me © WA COnCOSU UM Gs mere = = em ete ae ee nt at oe ee ee Caduveo facial and body, painting: B2_LUlwe tet ah tat . Chaco face‘and body ornamentsly 0) Lt alka eee Gee ft con poe” -Chacotcostumes®: 225: 2h. Ws) SA. Fate ope eee as tent ) Chaco head ornaments and-baps=22---- 2 s2et ateeeatt bere ahs” , Pilags footgear and skin DAG 222 22. -. += 2-48 See cheat CaCO COSGUMES =") Bees Oe ier ten =. Lens ps esee ssl eee eet ; (Chaco bags. 2 Bae) Seas. Wee eaten ho oe mepeemeetoues faye ilentas POITeO exile MmaAmUTAChUNChtes 2 oS = 22 yi ate oe as A RGODa ApINMINg WOOl = == +2 AeeMeUeI ER. 65 oto So ae ee Lops wOMmMantmaking Carrying NCb-= == 42 3b sete oe CHhAaCO POLlery MANULACUUNC=s 9+ 222 s\22225 2 ee cee ote enone nace = SC HACOMWOOGUCALVIN Ge oe. Ue as seein an SE ee ee oS ce oe . Chaco children__ . Chaco children _ - RC HAcORUn Gian tyes eee Ree nm oe = sere om yn eee ae ee ay me PC HhACOrGeCa LM CUSlOMse enna e = 2 sam pois oe eee eee eee heVistacostree SUrial on se. \ 22 nase ake eee eee ee eee meee = Fa CHACOPreCrea lon ess see ete eee ams a ae mae eRe eae eee emChaco-religion and gameseen 2 hanes fet Bee ee ee eee PAC ACO SUANTATIISIN Soe ent Re TE EShe) “VE ita Bye ee Bene Uae CHacoimcianetypes eee seats Re ee serene tart arte gee oy ie ray PC HACOMMGIAN TYPES’ <2. tate et merece Se ee eee meen ae eae MAC Naor MNGian Cy PESt oo ee ee eee ee ye ene mies ee Structurevof sambaquiter Steen 220 ese a eee eee eee eee Sambaqi artifacts, archaic phase. 5252222 cee eee ee Sambaquf artifacts, meridional and media phases____________--_--- . pambaqut artifacts; meridional phase_-- => == 222 oe PPCM GO ELE LGIMOMGS = =o oan 2 mite ee eee a ey oh ea 2 .Guato Indian types from) Caracara. River: 2222. -= 4 --_-_---,- TPB OROTLORCOMNtTyranGphOUse = — 8 os oo ke eae i . Bororo houses- -- . Bororo village of . Bororo archery - - PERC STG eh pees et ge ee Sh PN a yr ce Bororo festivalat village Gf. Kejara_ 25-2... ___-__-___-_...._-.,---- aeiororoyruneralecremonyes-222 5002.02 30 Solo lien a ae ene MES OLOLO) JS2 UAE I PCLSONALON 29 ho. o Stan lo age ee ee me MBOLGLOnIMGIAN VCR ease kaa ceo ne ose ewe se aa ae nS oxic se . Bororo women_-_- 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 352 408 408 408 408 418 418 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 432 444 444 512 XVI ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 98. Apinayé and Sherente artifacts. -.-.=+=22=--=+--.=s00S0220eL onan 512 G9:. Ge-artifactsseoon25-2sss22ss2eseececsce252225522- eee ae 512 100; ‘Sherente-artifacts=<==4--=2<=-s=-22--222 US 2 See ee 512 (Ol. SherenteartifactSs==+=s=2-=s-22-s=+-s--->- 28ers 512 102, Sherente-masqueraders’. 2 >< =<~2 222 SE SIA SOO Cone 512 $03. Ge Indians-and artifacts. =< <--2--=-s2=++-+<+<2+2252 ee ee 512 104. Ge Indiane:--=--:--2-.2-20. CUS Tee Bos JOO e ARUOR oope 512 105. Arms, ornaments, and utensils of the Botocudo, Puri, and Masha- Calis-Lssees iets 2 Peel a sccssscscen cece seen OO Oreb 574 £06; Botocudotamily +2 2222255252 2=2 222800120 208 28 AL erro 574 107. “Hastern- Brazil landscapes: = = 2s === =-2) S200 Yee OR ae ae 574 108. EPurftdance-and: burial... 222 222 522222¢2222e+s2e+e Oa ae 574 109: Coroado-and ‘Botocudo'lifey =: - =. =... 2282098 AGO Bees. 098d 574 105"Coroado ‘and ‘Purf‘shelters-<-. 2.222 -2-2-214 224¢ DAG Aol geen 574 wh Camacan'dance-.- 22822 s222 2eseeL Se eose 4-224 eee Be 574 112. Patashé and Camacan weapons and artifacts_________----___----- 574 FIGURES 1. Chipped-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast____-------------- 29 2. Ground-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast_.________--__------ 33 3. Querandf incised sherds from Arroyo Sarandf___.__..__.-----__---- 35 aPasinted snerds irom ATTOyO SaTAandiog—. 22). 2 2625 e ees eee es 36 5 Q@Querand1 artifacts from Arroyo Sarangi.--._-.-2-.. 2-2) ee eee 37 OSE SHLD ACO eORa ISLC T Or JOO CUCU ys a ees ee 39 7. Chipped-stone artifacts from Neuquén____----_-._.--------------- 42 SeuerTaved stone plaque from Rio Negro. 2 = - ee one eee 43 GMCrossseculon Ott wOmsHOrNOs, (OL6 lO Ob1] as yee ee 44 ROMPAUTCalUihUG frameCONSEDUCtION a. == se ee 65 Tle Vea Mowery Lovee oVOYa LOU oVel oo) (ishov hye Ne ee ee eee 85 Zeid Cam MOCCASIN. = oo a2 255 cee Ge oe a er 87 i wOetailsvor VYahgan coiled basketry ..-.-.-- +2 =-2 eee 90 Nees oad ecOrative PAbtCEUS ao. ee oe ea ee 101 eee at cervot Ona MOCCASIN 2... Sa 5 2 ee ey ee wily NG ROMAIN SIGS. a2 ep ape gs ps eee 113 IV Ae ONS DOWEAT GVATTOW 22252 oso ose oe oa ee le ne 114 18. Tehuelche arms and instruments__________________--_--- ees Si ch pe 145 no) Wesipns trom Tehnelche puanaco Tobe.) 2a. ee ee ee 147 20. Tehuelche child’s cradle for use on horseback__________/____------- 154 Zl elotor balsa. Guanacache Lagoons. ..2..-- ..---4 52-25 =ss5--e eee 172 Zo quanacachesuwined basketry Getailge=) 2s — ee ee 174 Zo musrivsGramings Of the LimbU. 5. eee nee = ee ea eee 188 24. Ashlusiay fishermen with barring nets_._ 2250 "2- 2 ee 254 25am CHONOtipHSOBeCNCC sae 22 oa 2 eee itn smpcwbe aioe pre yh ND 255 AAD NUD SHC HTT C1 Ea a lm a ERT hg) ore PH 258 DAME LC OMUEAISS Ene 2S sae a eae ee he a 259 Pte AN EYES EPO EE HO A FY aR eg a rN ay pe 260 2 OS Choro uemailbshit ee oe so ns ey ee 273 Boe lencunane © norotyMeaGgear. 2... 2s. onsen eee 276 SE mao AGA tLOOIN gee ee oe ee cape ce oh ee Eh ee 281 Dye MG AC OMIM ATIUL CCID S 9 hy ee oe ee a 283 Jo-mCNAaCO Netuing and lacing techniques.._2 2-2-2 35s eee ee 287 34. Mbay4-Caduveo painted pottery plates__--..___.._.---------------- 291 47. Guaté house construction IO Oe ~ . Pilagd flat wooden whistle . Guaté harpoon and pellet bow . Bororo arrow points . Feathering of Bororo arrows . Modern Caingang houses . Guide to the tribes and subjects of Volume 1 of the Handbook . The tribes of southern South America, at the first European contact . The Greater Pampa archeological area and subareas . Tribes of the Gran Chaco: Locations at the first European contact____ . Tribes of the Gran Chaco: Present-day locations . Distribution of the four sambaqui culture phases ILLUSTRATIONS . Pilag4 and Choroti utensils and dress MO RACONWCODONS Sa Sts oes ee ete ee we ae Sa ie . Chaco weapons and imploments=_-<- 225022222 oboe ee eset . Motifs on Pilagdé belts and woolen bags MAA pao © NOTOU: so8 amas e= oe lla eee Se te . Chaco toys and musical instruments Pe HA CORON ACCOMDIPCS Sea aaa oe ee est ee ee i Be Se sJochematic promeor Lorres'site. 2. 2222.22. 2252222 eeesesc see elke . Schematic cross section of camp site at Torres____________________- . Cross section of stratified sambaqui of Guarahy Mirim . Ground-stone artifacts from the sambaquis “Ouatonpwining techmiquescs§ 32650 25k eek eo es osc ces ke Guat6 arrows, bows, and spears . Bororo textiles and pottery . Bororo manufactures i es Bull-roarers with various clan designs Primitive Caingang wind shelter - @aingane MANUIACtUITES = 2 ==. Rs ee eS ee Caingang weapons and artifacts MC Angane Ouray MOUNRG. = wae en ne se ee ee eee eo See oe oe WiDiagrami\or Sherente bachelors, hut. -......=<-2s2-2ses-eeslols—. . Canella decorations on forehead bands and sashes______---.-------- . Sherente body-paint decoration for the various ships4 age classes___- BROMCTCNLEMACIN MORES hen. a ae ee 8 i ee ed POGeMOlIsiCal Wits tEMIMeN Sena. ee sa ee cae cea eee eo ee . Timbira type flute made of gourd from the Apinayé ApinaAycucouTarattles! £25 22. Vener Lome re ws Ip. Dies tear 2 buri-Corondo;-manitactures. 22 22 2 eee eee eee 8 . Tapuya man and spear thrower MAPS The tribes of eastern Brazil at various dates since the Conquest XVII PAGE 294 296 298 335 337 340 344 348 402 402 403 406 412 413 415 416 423 424 425 426 429 454 455 458 460 483 502 503 504 ie j A119 Ha i ati al ; ive ‘ at _ : ht “4g by ra i *~ *~ pacers a cae ~~ ¥ 6 Aarne teenie <p —-- os RGR ERATE RS RS es , mene iets --. <---> ele weep Ec nn iis Gea ee ne ee~-- - 656 -->-* ee Ss a + a ie ey ~ Can Madeeee site esas > --+= eS ald i a Siw Saiiieeit.-.--5--- ++ 9-0 eee 51 lal a2-aurrn e e! neers uf Rtas A . ---- gon jaca a quite | Coty ue b Wasa tiatee Piaarw tri dA, yilarertd Xo wpa Se ee ee . wapadaae » th ab 7 ee a ee eee ned oF ee ee ale eee van en <» « eeiplttion) eee = paw aenaeee sna siiaoge baa yw Ai \ Polen beeces oes! 32 --as bi tea ahi toting tara Besnsinbers J yrs a+ # ; ymitog bie esliiza) cote <i >? aye _ ee eee _enuloelugent oiot0l Sa oy eee eetlitiog wor o1gtoll 2a 2 swone ororoll to gabediast 28 nats aruay slw eeeortind 28 ~ oor 68 i, ea wee: pa gps Bele waagetyo avidienie'T 08 RE 3 2 cael 496 Salen usaacie) awhoM 50 : So ious geagoia 37 a a AA elie bow nieqaew gama) 08 = GRE 8 ere teri gaogaley 20 : pe Pl eB Sed yrolaioad alowed to mergeitt AD uy os ytiier Eihue WhO haodotyloo eintteroaaty aligaa) 20 a =~ nigel on be tide Broa Sd) 401 erik fener, rT dang-r bout sditenol Bit) ms gel yiiswe stoped A a Oe _ td lanianrt of) SD .=2 7abhy A ety mort bio, 16 Teach guiogrt wdeiT £ get ay ay Sata Pigoy Seong’ Pan 7 7 eyusatiitann obsovad-tat q im. " —— raivatt tone bon pent eorgel ; Bik vty: Y er { a ‘ er hee sa cde danaild 3 uy ih In Loalo leaden Rea eodist 1 ont al abiok ). Visteatdns. natiqewe 4s: ult te ,soiroms (wok, aadtiuos td sede ode Sh Ceicapen. o's ~. ee wes deal 1 DiveSewes 4s ine teriloc bad bots ‘ibe igolooilain acon Dowp tan BO. «casshowinco aeoqow)l fetit adh te ecorinro,t dead) hare add : Sa ee ‘gas _. Au) tasot sha iyanwrh Soom Nee one Bo poe wt an Ss as onedy Ssvutiuoe aad irrrs y0T ae WAS) Pe Guus cctaety(o 1? Sooke aodall gitoliay te ieee riaes to eset IAs e e825 52 FOREWORD The present monumental work is ideally suited to carrying out the purpose of the Smithsonian Institution, “the increase and diffusion of knowledge,” as well as that of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the promotion of “ethnological studies among the American Indians.” Furthermore, it exemplifies the Institution’s century-old policy of co- operating with others in the advancement of science, for it is in two senses a cooperative work. In this country the Department of State the National Research Council, and the Smithsonian Institution have joined forces to make the Handbook a reality; on a hemisphere scale, anthropologists of the two American continents have shared in the preparation of the manuscript. The scope of the work is outlined in the introduction by Dr. Julian H. Steward, editor and guiding force of the project. ‘These volumes provide for the first time a comprehensive summary of existing knowl- edge of the Indians of South America, which it is to be hoped will stimulate increased interest and further research in this fascinating field. ALEXANDER WETMORE, Acting Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. Ocroser 20, 1944. xIx ane i - } no ina i r le OL, ous } i : ait | Ce an eA Yate bat ma! Hi i eh , i ) A) cat a, | . } beaks 5 a Lh 9 A re a mi: ‘ ii 7 « « ened : z aes : ir Maa ARCS OPE, A) Labicnyivesta Ma) aioe die ae obacds an (low oe Pa Levis lose) io’ les MP tapiiqucuzs a VLG 277 aves Vy cia) neg Tene é44 of ay j94 a yu Ain : oh ar ry ; y ihe ie ee - ¥ Y ootes TG ia eesti o2i2 . vt ns rf, jist “th ' ne taal fant 4 lov esrt pe hh cn : Cao) 0 ae rR Ahn po ventdeind tS ‘ Wits ria “ri me ma fesapugl aif ot-el oid iy ie Bitisar? 2thy af does ee hs : f tae : suntaera WT ntovienie, Pl ox Serato i , ae Avtar Vb hs Suse \ vey atave al ae soln a, ; 4 ay ry Uy nix ; nie HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS INTRODUCTION By Jouxian H. Srewarp, Eprror A developing sense of internationalism in the Western Hemisphere has brought increased recognition of the importance of the indigenous American civilizations and their survival among millions of present- day peoples. It has simultaneously emphasized the need for a more complete understanding of how these civilizations developed during prehistoric eras and how, after the Conquest, they blended with Euro- pean culture to produce modern societies which are neither wholly Indian nor wholly European. The task of revealing these long chap- ters of American history is truly a pan-American one, requiring the assembly of thousands of local fragments from throughout the Hemi- sphere. Scientists of the American Republics have consequently long urged that more effective means be found of pooling and exchanging their information, while teachers and students have pleaded that the materials be published in convenient form. It has particularly been felt that information on the great South American civilizations, which left so deep an imprint on modern life, should be made generally available to scholars and laymen alike, for present sources on South American Indians are published in so many languages and places and frequently have such limited availability that no one could have access to more than a fraction of the literature. No comprehensive general work on the subject exists, and none has even been attempted, because the task has such magnitude that it could only be accomplished by the joint effort of a large number of specialists. As the need for a comprehensive Handbook of South American Indians became more acute, the National Research Council, stimulated by the late Baron Erland Nordenskiold, in 1932 appointed a committee consisting of Dr. Robert H. Lowie, Dr. John M. Cooper, and Dr. Leslie Spier to explore the possibilities of preparing one. This committee, subsequently expanded to include other anthropologists with a special interest in South America, prepared a statement of the kind of work that was needed. The Smithsonian Institution through its Bureau of American Eth- nology accepted responsibility for the preparation of the Handbook 1 2 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLy. 1438 and began work in 1940, when the project became part of the program of the Interdepartmental Committee on Cultural and Scientific Co- operation, a program carried out by special appropriation of the Con- gress of the United States through the Department of State. The task became cooperatively inter-American in the broadest sense, for more than 100 scientists from throughout the Americas generously con- tributed their time and knowledge to preparation of the manuscripts. In fact, their enthusiastic participation in the task has, despite the in- numerable delays and difficulties brought about by the war, put the project well ahead of schedule, so that the material has been written and prepared for the printer in 4 years instead of the 5 originally planned. It would be difficult to find more unselfish dedication of indi- vidual effort to an international undertaking. The general objective of the Handbook is that laid down by the com- mittee of the National Research Council: To provide a concise sum- mary of existing data that will serve as a standard reference work for the scholar, a textbook for the student, and a guide to the general reader. At the same time, it is intended to take stock of the present state of knowledge, revealing its deficiencies and suggesting problems that will stimulate future research in both the field and library. Only by enlisting the collaboration of many specialists, each summarizing the data of a limited field, could the objective be realized. It is not supposed that the Handbook has exhausted existing sources in a manner to render their future consultation unnecessary. To the contrary, the articles simply orient the reader to the salient facts and to the literature; future research on the many problems of current interest, such as post-Contact acculturation, and on problems that un- fold in the future will require repeated re-use of the sources on which the present summaries are based. Although there was unanimity concerning the general need for a Handbook, the concrete terms for presenting its material were inevitably fraught with difficulties. The greatest difficulty was that of satisfying diversified modern interests with data that had been collected largely at random. Existing information comes primarily from missionaries and travelers, whose accounts are overloaded with descriptions of Indian dress, weapons, dances, and other readily observable items, but are almost wholly silent on social structure, religious patterns, land tenure, and other less conspicuous but ex- tremely important aspects of native cultures. Even the great ma- jority of the more recent anthropological monographs on South American tribes are composed in the 18th- and 19th-century traditions and aim to collect facts for their own sake rather than with reference to anthropological problems. 1Some of the research needs and possibilities revealed during the preparation of the Handbook have already been summarized (Steward, 1948 a, 1948 b). Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 3 It was obvious that the necessity of presenting culture elements atomistically must dissatisfy those who look mainly for function, pattern, and configuration, or who seek psychological characterization of primitive peoples. It was clear that emphasis on primitive cul- tures would not greatly interest persons concerned with modern, ac- culturated Indians. It was apparent that the very division of sub- ject matter was fraught with controversial points. An adherent of the kulturkreis, or “culture historical” school, would organize this material differently than a member of the American historical school. There was expectable difference of opinion as to whether a linguistic, geographic, or some other basis should be chosen. Fully aware of the impossibility of satisfying everyone, the editor formulated a detailed plan that adhered as far as circumstances per- mitted to the original proposition that the Handbook should sum- marize the facts of aboriginal ethnology. At the same time, he urged that modern problems be kept in mind, and that the literature be ap- praised in a manner to acquaint research workers with its value to diversified interests. The Handbook centers attention on the culture of each tribe at the time of its first contact with Europeans. Where the prehistoric past of the Contact period culture has been revealed, as in the Andean area, a substantial amount of archeology is included by way of back- ground. Post-Contact acculturation is brought up to date when information is available. Although little research has been done on acculturation, so that it remains a vast field for library and field work, any ethnographic description necessarily is acculturational in some degree. As accounts of Indian tribes at the moment of the Conquest are nonexistent or are sketchy in the extreme, reconstruc- tions of aboriginal ethnology must rely on documents ranging over the 400 years of the historic period, during which profound Spanish, Portuguese, and even Negro influence reached the most isolated jungle tribes. To avoid compressing these four centuries of post-Contact data into two-dimensional ethnographic pictures, as if they faith- fully portrayed pre-Columbian cultures, authors were urged to present their data chronologically. The articles consequently reveal much post-Contact change, and show that new economic, social, and reli- gious patterns followed the introduction of European crops, steel tools, new trade relations, Christianity, and many other factors con- tingent on the arrival of the White man. The final absorption of the tribes of the Tropical Forests and marginal areas into European civili- zation has never been studied, for until recently anthropological in- terest has ceased when tribal custom has been lost. But in the Andean area, a strong native civilization reintegrated with Spanish elements and patterns survives among millions of Indians, and gives accul- turation practical as well as scientific importance. More complete 4 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLL. 143 information on this area makes it possible to sketch broad trends from the earliest archeological beginnings of Andean civilization through the /nca Empire, the Spanish Conquest, and the post- Conquest period to the present day. A volume will be devoted to each of Cooper’s fourfold culture divisions of South America (1940, 1941): (1) Marginal hunting and gathering tribes of Eastern Brazil, the Gran Chaco, the Pampa, Patagonia, and Tierra del Fuego; (2) the Andean civilizations; (3) the tribes of the Tropical Forests and Savannas; and (4) the Circum- Caribbean cultures, including that portion of Central America which was strongly influenced by South America. The fifth volume will con- tain a description of the impact of Old World civilization on the Indians, the geographical background, the physical anthropology, a summary of linguistic relationships, Indian demography, and articles describing various aspects of the cultures comparatively and distri- butionally. The Handbook subdivisions and their length have been governed by expediency. Tribes with great cultural similarity are treated as a unit when possible. In many cases, however, it seemed more important to place on record the specialized knowledge of a certain contributor than to group or divide according to uncertain cultural frontiers. In other cases, difficulties facing all contributors during the present world situation required last-minute reassignment of subjects. The result has been to split the Handbook into an increasing number of separate articles as specialists were found with knowledge of particular subjects. The lack of uniformity in treatment and proportion of detail in articles is explained by several considerations. First, there are in- evitably individual differences among 100 contributors. Second, it was a policy to include more detail in articles based on early documents and on obscure, scattered, and inaccessible sources, which are published in many languages, than in articles treating subjects that are well covered in generally available recent monographs. Third, there is unevenness in the original source materials. The only sources, espe- cially for tribes which have long been extinct, are often early missionary and travelers’ accounts, which generally afford only extremely spotty and tantalizingly incomplete information. It was hoped at first, when the Handbook was planned as a closely unified, one-volume work, that all contradictory statements could be reconciled and eliminated. As the Handbook has increased in size, however, and as the material has been divided into five volumes, each of which is to be published as soon as it is completed and therefore before all articles for subsequent volumes are received, it is impossible to avoid including conflicting views. Differences of opinion, however, are quite expectable in the present stage of knowledge of South American Indians; and to present the material as if all authors were VoL. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 5 in agreement would give a fictitious certainty to many interpretations which are no more than tentative opinions. In a vigorous science, moreover, there will be diverse points of view, especially among the scientists working on the same problems. These, however, are of a purely intellectual order. Dedication of effort to a common problem, often through the closest personal and professional cooperation, con- stitutes a fundamental bond between individuals, regardless of their failure to agree on particular points. To make the Handbook as widely useful as possible, it includes articles of varying breadth. The introductory sections are intended for persons seeking a brief, comprehensive view of the major areas and subjects. Necessarily synthetic in nature, these naturally tend to be more interpretative and theoretical than the more specialized articles which are essentially factual. But it is frankly recognized that the very selection and organization of fact unavoidably imply some theoretical presuppositions. It is unfortunate that the war has made it impossible to take ad- vantage of the knowledge of our many European colleagues who have spent years in South American research. At the same time, the very necessity of finding personnel from the Americas to write all the articles has made the work as truly pan-American in execution as in scope. The awakened interest in mutual problems as well as the contacts created between scientists foreshadows a new era of research, most of it necessarily cooperative, directed toward fundamental human problems of the Americas. The appropriateness of inter-American collaboration on these problems can hardly be questioned. PRESENTATION OF MATERIALS Article outlines.—The material in each article is arranged according to a standard sequence. When an examination of a large number of standard ethnographic monographs revealed wide variation in sub- ject arrangement, the authors agreed to follow an arbitrary outline, so far as their materials permitted. The articles start with an Introduction, which often includes a geographical sketch. Tribal Divisions and History then follow. The history traces the major post-Contact events which have affected the tribe. When local archeology can definitely be linked with the historic tribe, it is included as a background to the history. Otherwise it is treated in a separate article. The next section evaluates the principal anthropological sources. The cultural summaries com- mence with Subsistence Activities (Farming, Collecting Wild Foods, Hunting, Fishing, and Food Preparation and Storage). Then come Villages and Houses, Dress and Ornaments, and Transportation. Manufactures, which follows, is essentially technological; the func- tional aspects of material culture are described under other headings 6 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 148 appropriate to the use of the objects. This section includes Basketry, Weaving, Ceramics, Bark Cloth, Metallurgy, Weapons, and other types of manufactures. The following section is usually Trade or Economic Organization. Social and Political Organization, which follows, describes the general patterns and structure of the groups. If necessary, special accounts of Warfare and Cannibalism come next. Life Cycle then sketches Birth, Childhood, Puberty rites and initiations, Marriage, and Death observances. Esthetic and Recre- ational Activities includes Games, Music, Musical instruments, Dancing, Narcotics, and Intoxicants. Religion describes beliefs about supernatural powers and beings, and magical and religious rites, functionaries, and structures. It also includes concepts and prac- tices concerning the medicine man or shaman, unless shamanism is sufficiently developed to warrant a separate section. Mythology and Folklore follow. Finally comes Lore and Learning, which includes cosmogony, measurements of weight, time, and space, and other special beliefs or concepts of an essentially nonreligious nature. Tribal names and synonyms.—Each chapter of Volumes 1 to 4 carries a heading, Tribal Divisions, which lists tribes, subtribes, and synonyms, the last usually in parentheses. An effort is made to account for all the significant names appearing in the literature, a prodigious task complicated by conflicting usage and innumerable synonyms. The inclusiveness of tribal designations varies tremendously. At one extreme are terms like Arawak, Carib, and Tupi or Guarani, designating widespread peoples, each with great linguistic similarity and some cultural homogeneity, but lacking any political unity. Some terms are more restricted. Z’uwpinamba, for example, embraces a large number of Z’wpi peoples, who, though culturally homogeneous, are split into independent and locally named groups scattered along 2,000 miles of Brazilian coast. At the other extreme is the practice, commonly employed for large portions of the Amazonian and Mar- ginal culture areas, which lists every independent village, band, or horde as a separate tribe even though it consisted of but a single family. Thus, there is a name for each of the many localized, patrilineal bands which compose the Ona of Tierra del Fuego, for the innumerable independent hordes of the Ge, for the many migratory families of the Alacaluf, and for the independent family villages of the Z’ucano. As it would exceed the physical limits of the Handbook, as well as the bounds of usefulness, to list all these names, we have attempted to group them into what may, in a cultural and linguistic sense, be considered tribes. Efforts to systematize tribal classifications and to clarify tribal names have been only partially successful. Many names appear in the early lists without explanation. Others are so inadequately ex- Vow. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 7 plained that the nature or the magnitude of the groups in question is obscure. Some are doubtlessly synonyms of well-known tribes, whereas others probably designate minor and unimportant groups. But until new data from the field or the literature clarify their significance, the tribal lists and the tribal map of South America will have an enormous number of small tribes—more, perhaps, than other comparable areas of the world. The standard name chosen for each tribe is that best established by usage, except in a few cases where a secondary name is selected to avoid confusion between similarly named tribes. Coronado (crowned) and Orején (large ear), for example, have become the established designations of so many unrelated tribes that we have substituted synonyms for these names to distinguish them from one another. All synonyms are included in parentheses following the first listing of the standard tribal name. Important differences in nomenclature are also explained in the text, but many synonyms are mere variants of spelling. Spelling follows a simple orthography, which aims to be intelligible in English, Spanish, and Portuguese. Vowels have their Spanish values, and accents fall on the antepenult unless otherwise indicated. As & does not occur in Spanish and Portuguese, ¢ has been substituted before uw, 0, and a, except in spelling which is too well established to permit change. No attempt is made at phonetic spelling, for it would serve only academic interest even if it were possible to know the native rendition of those names originating in Indian languages. Following North American usage, the singular form of the tribal name serves as the collective noun, and linguistic families bear the ending an. All tribal names and synonyms will be listed in the general index in the last volume. The more important tribes will be shown on the general map, the locations being those at the time of the first contact with Europeans. Bibliography.—Citations of sources are usually placed in paren- theses in the text, the author’s name, the date of his publication, and frequently the volume and page or pages being indicated. When only the date and pages are cited, the latter are indicated by p. or pp., for example, Jones, 1915, p. 10. When the volume is included, it is indi- cated by the number following the date and the pages are indicated by a colon, for example, Jones, 1915, 2:10-15, which means Jones, 1915, volume 2, pages 10 to 15. The full titles and place of publication of each reference will be found in the general bibliography at the end of each volume, where all the publications cited throughout the volume are given under the authors’ names, which are listed alphabetically. 8 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buu. 143 Handbook contributors have compiled complete bibliographies on their subjects, briefly and critically commenting upon each article, monograph, and book. It was the original plan to publish these in a single large bibliography which would form a part of the Handbook. As the complete annotated bibliography will, however, probably in- clude nearly 10,000 items, publication of this material in full is deferred in the hope that special bibliographic volumes may some day be prepared. Maps.—Each volume will carry a guide map to the articles con- tained in it. In addition, certain articles are accompanied by special tribal maps. A general tribal and linguistic map will accompany Volume 5, but will also be made available separately. Except where special dates are indicated, maps give the location of tribes at the time of their first contact with White men. On the coastal regions and in Highland Peri, this was early in the 16th century. Along the main waterways and other routes of exploration and travel, many tribes were encountered later in the same century. In other regions, especially around the periphery of the Amazon Basin, the Indians were first discovered much later, many of them only in the present century. There are even regions so imperfectly ex- plored today that the identification and location of tribes is based on the merest hearsay. Special mention must be made of the three maps which cover, respectively, the area north of the Amazon River, the portion of Brazil lying east of 56° W. long., and the area extending south- ward from the Amazon River to include the lower Jurué, Puris, and Madeira Rivers, and a portion of Matto Grosso. These, which are unusual in detail and in the location of tribes at different dates, were traced directly from a large map especially prepared by Dr. Curt Nimuendaji for the Handbook. It is regretted that Dr. Nimuendaji’s original map could not be published, but its size, 6 feet by 8 feet, and the large number of colors indicating the linguistic affiliation of all tribes, made this impossible. In addition to being traced directly for the three maps just mentioned, other parts of Dr. Nimuendaji’s map served, along with special maps prepared by other contributors, as a source of information for the general tribal map, which was prepared by the editor. Index.—A complete index to the entire Handbook will be issued under separate covers. It will include all the synonyms of each tribe in order to facilitate the identification of tribes. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Individual acknowledgments in a cooperative work are scarcely necessary. All persons involved had a part in urging the necessity of the Handbook, in planning it, and in carrying it to completion. Vou. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 9 All have given unselfishly of their time. Those who found their normal work redoubled after the war involved the Western Hemi- sphere, even those who eventually left their countries to fight with the armed forces, somehow found time to complete their promised con- tributions. A special word of gratitude, however, is due Dr. Alfred Métraux. The extent of his contribution is by no means indicated by the large number of articles appearing under his name. With an unsurpassed knowledge of South American ethnology and ever generous with his time, his advice and help to the editor and contributors alike have been a major factor in the successful completion of the work. Dr. Robert H. Lowie also merits particular thanks for his help in arranging and editing the materials of Volume 3 and for writing the general article on the Tropical Forests. Similarly, to Dr. Wendell C. Bennett the Handbook is indebted for constant advice in planning Volume 2, in integrating its articles, and for preparing the general article on the Andean civilization. The Handbook acknowledges with gratitude the gracious coopera- tion of the Hispanic Foundation of the Library of Congress, and es- pecially the Foundation’s Director, Dr. Lewis Hanke. The wealth of readily available materials in the Foundation’s collections and the conveniences and courtesies accorded Handbook contributors in con- sulting them have added immeasurably to the completeness of the work, Gratitude is due the innumerable persons and institutions which generously made photographs available for reproduction without cost or restrictions. These are individually acknowledged in credit lines. For translation of several manuscripts in Spanish, Portuguese, and French, the Handbook is indebted to the kindness of the Central Translating Division of the Department of State, to the Strategic Index of the Americas, and to several members of its own oflice staff. Finally, special praise must be given the untiring office staff for carrying out the vast routine tasks of preparing the manuscripts and materials. The editor is particularly indebted to Miss Ethelwyn Carter who, almost since the beginning of the project, has helped with the innumerable details necessary to its smooth functioning, and to Dr. Gordon R. Willey who assumed responsibility for the final as- sembling and preparation of illustrations and manuscripts. Epitor’s NoTE.—While this volume was in press, word was received of the death of Dr. Curt NimuendajG during a field trip late in 1945 to the T’ucuna Indians of the upper Amazon. Scientists everywhere will deeply feel the loss of this emi- nent Brazilian scholar, whose extensive researches made him the foremost of all ethnologists working in the South American field. iit iat otes 7, . id ine nygtationy i ns ddl bib et “tee? pilates 2 aid ibn nivale eve ba! seni B to vgbsivon, | resi oaila eorndiiinos bab nadie isd inn) aoirbin raidyocntis | WO) “Show dj ta wetoleee lodaasoous eifenbagiont Ropeneygmeed aah at Ot ett datosihien atisin vale oteol— FL inedodl: ad ed givin ro? bentaniole te aleiresind achh paitibe ‘Baalgstguanes uy — Bebre W 2G of pyindl chi Gtaow A lasigoY? ailbigo slotiia tinal ci viv ba timalbyolhetlehai a doodbnskt alia i pete silt gabe tet bite walniies ati pat engetet AhyQ bento sd trave', veny Erithe Wee ese Onnidatilacle deobhAoteoeinags Lirraupannes andi stiehitiqarg dite eyhelroodlon aloddimeHiedtBon | the heen 2ess goo) tonyr dedi D endt to ab techie piconets ortho sant dtliee od? Loketvbbratwidl.« sedoweil> sltoitsband: od silt fin aioriaidlos Bnotiebute’e® alin? abemapaan aldulinraaghibeok Ae “eo wi eidindiaiaos adoodhazH belrrosse ewiesitves bite eonsiaevites out te aererrsane=non ob: berwrannes neti bohfen ound otetht, gases 4 | 1 iver, GHe-F ort Hoiitt-¢ wrtgerdiinal baw envied aie: rousshs tisk ane oathy vinaharienh..« hem idodiiw sotsaberqd rot sldpliogd ange tgatostg, haa ideeh tibet> ar hey bblwonslon ql bivihai Ganeed Dy eapieeiiemag feter end urgudto8d dakianiai bagitoay nace lings en oot 6p | leties oi: to menbuideads ob batdabai si doodthaphladinuloae hiyodiexit: off! ot) el dit) 2. totemrreeGl og, boy monatei(h, yid els actio wine 2ii Yo, eted gent) Lirtevas. od bam, emai ieccds tm tot Mate soil warttancedt ping ocd dant acien lode dite edqirvotss Hm edt gatsaqeiguto aiieg? onilwor deny it i myrledact x “iM o) botdalwn Wiaalooitsed, al wadube ehh: sora dite howled anil ux Hing ads te. Ruistarg wud sil) opie, demeuha odveany . Oh hon gyanoiocel sdoeate aL obit, eigioh( aldgemgeagh sal bia haul) rot ilidianoqeet banueen ody yl W JL m0 “i on Lyi eu, 299 Tied a ete ero eriten liz: 29 oni amnqerd, bra vgcl ld apap Sekt OO Ie be isow cave brow agony tee eet ean eee | Se srditen LewwowS Bil) of TOL aig pied egeben SlaboesmlY joo Cl to siny #1012 Yo gaol off! low vid Mie oredwewye allineise cosaeiaé uma oily” ie do Mwoursi0) suit ould son adleonenee~ oviagepepeamiy yiatlores salliees Jape ion cmiemA dive ad) ol goltiow alaigoloadig Mmoireraiive. WHT er eenale . Pare ix ary ee Cit oneal Gy 1}, CRIP IOE Wy Se Vole ae CONTRIBUTORS TO VOLUME 1 OF THE HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Hersert Baupus, Séo Paulo, Brazil. JUAN Beuaterr, Asuncion, Paraguay. Junius B. Brrp, American Museum of Natural History, New York, New York. Sanvapor Canats Frau, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza, Argentina. JoHN M. Cooper, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. SamueEt K. Lorurop, Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Rosert H. Lown, University of California, Berkeley, California. Awntpat Marros, Instituto Historicgd e Geografico de Minas Gerais, Minas Gerais, Brazil. Aurrep Métravux, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. Curt Nimvuenpasu, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém do Para, Brazil. (See Editor’s note, page 9.) AnTONIo Serrano, Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, Cordoba, Ar- gentina. Gorpon R. WitiEy, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 11 ee=pueeG Ge a Map 1.—Guide map of the tribes and subjects of Volume 1 of the Handbook. (Parallel-hatched, the Andean Civilizations, Volume 2; stippled, the Tropical Forests and Savannas, Volume 3; cross-hatched, the Circum-Caribbean cul- tures, Volume 4.) 1, Southern Hunters; 1A, Fuegians; 1B, Alacaluf; 1C, Chono; 1D, Tehuelche and Patagonian archeology; 1E, Puelche and Pampa archeology; 1F, Querandit and Pampa archeology. 2, Huarpe and Mendoza archeology. 3, Parand Delta. 4, Charrua. 5, Gran Chaco. 6, Lagoa Santa. 7, Guaté. 8, Bororo. 9, Guayakt. 10, Caingang. 11, Southern Cayapdé. 12, Northwest and Central Ge. 13, Purt-Coroado. 14, Guaitacd. 15, Botocudo. 16, Mashacali. 17, Camacan. 18, “Tapuya.” 19, Pimenteira. 20, Cariri. 21, Teremembé Tarairiu. 22, Teremembé. 12 VOLUME 1. THE MARGINAL TRIBES Part I. INDIANS OF SOUTHERN SOUTH AMERICA THE SOUTHERN HUNTERS: AN INTRODUCTION By Joun M. Cooper Under “Southern Hunters” are here included the Yahgan, Alacaluf, Chono, and Ona of the Magellanic Archipelago, and the 7’ehuelche, Poya, and Puelche of Patagonia and the Argentine Pampa (map 1, No.1; map 2). Inasmuch as extensive bibliographies and fully docu- mented studies of the culture of the Yahgan, Alacaluf, Chono, and Ona are readily accessible in the works of Cooper (1917), Lothrop (1928), and Gusinde (1931, 1937), source lists and page references in the present papers on these four tribes are kept to the minimum con- sistent with the objectives of the Handbook. Since, however, we lack similar over-all documented studies of the Zehwelche and Puelche, much more copious sources and page references are included in the sections dealing with them. All these Southern Hunters belong to the South American marginal peoples, as distinct from the silval and sierral ones. These marginals may be divided into: The Southern Coastal, of the Magellanic shores and channels; the Campestral, of Tierra del Fuego, Patagonia, the Argentine Pampa, the Uruguayan plains, and the Chaco; the Savan- nal, of the Brazilian highlands and adjacent regions; and the Intra- silval, scattered here and there within or near the broad expanse of the tropical rain forest (Cooper, 1942 b). The Southern Coastal marginals are the Yahgan, Alacaluf, and Chono. The Ona, Tehuelche, Poya, and Puelche are the more south- ern of the Campestral marginals. The Yahgan, Alacaluf, Ona-Tehuelche, and Puelche represent dis- tinct linguistic families. The Chono may have spoken an Alacalufan dialect, the Poya an Ona-Tehuelche one. Physically the Yahgan, Ala- caluf, and Chono may be classed together, at least loosely and pro- visionally, as may also the Ona and Tehwelche. Classification of the Poya and Puelche is much more problematic. Culturally, these seven peoples had much in common, although man- ifesting many marked divergences. The Yahgan, Alacaluf, and Chono 13 14 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buin. 143 should best be bracketed together; likewise the Ona, Tehuelche, Poya, and Puelche. In either case much of common culture is conditioned by the natural environment—archipelagic for the first group, insular and continental for the second. All seven shared in common the following cultural elements: A col- lecting economy, with gardening lacking, except for traces among the Poya and Chono in touch with the Araucanians; absence of tobacco and alcoholic beverages, except among the Poya and perhaps the pre- Columbian Puelche,; simple movable shelters, of lean-to, domed, con- ical, or toldo construction; sleeping on the bare ground or on brush or skins, with the hammock and raised bed absent; weapons and utensils of stone, bone, or wood, with metals quite lacking; absence of gastronomic and ritual cannibalism; well-organized family system, with prevalent (not strict) monogamy; the band as the more common economico-political unit, usually made up largely of relatives by kin or marriage; chiefs either absent or, where present, of most limited authority ; societies, sibs, and moieties quite absent, and social strati- fication almost entirely so; land-tenure systems, where our informa- tion is at all clear, approximating the family hunting ground system ; again, where information is clear, well-marked theistic as well as shamanistic beliefs and practices (Cooper, 1942 a, pp. 10-11; 1942 b, pp. 149-150). Between, however, the Southern Coastal peoples and the Campestral, and, for that matter, between the several tribes within these two divi- sions, there were numerous and often marked divergences (Cooper, 1925). The Southern Coastal tribes were predominantly canoe people, fishermen, and gatherers of sea food, with well-developed types of watercraft. Little clothing was worn. The chief weapons of chase and war were the spear, harpoon, sling, and club. Basketry was of coiled or looped techniques. The Campestral Ona, Tehuelche, and Puelche were predominantly land people, hunters of the guanaco in particular. Clothing covered most of the body. Their chief hunting and fighting weapon was the bow and arrow, although the Puelche when first known to the Whites had the bolas and the 7'ehuelche later acquired it. Bags and contain- ers were mostly of skin. The principal post-Columbian changes in culture among the South- ern Hunters of the mainland north of the Strait of Magellan, apart from such direct European importations as steel tools and weapons, firearms, and Christian religious concepts, came as a result of or a sequence to the introduction of the horse. The Puelche must have acquired the horse well before 1700, but our information on the point is slight. The Zehuelche acquired it, from either the Araucanians or the Puelche, some time between 1670 and 1741, more likely around Vou. 1] THE SOUTHERN HUNTERS—COOPER 15 U D UCH, ye (Map, az a az 0 Map 2.—The tribes of southern South America, at the first European contact period. 1725. At the time of or subsequent to the adoption of the horse by the Tehuelche, a great many new developments occurred in their culture, all or most of them being accretions from without: the bolas, lasso, and lance ; hide helmets, coats, and shields; pipe smoking and the use of in- toxicants; earrings and the tupu; gambling; the musical bow (Cooper, 1925, pp. 408-409). Both the ethnological and the archeological evidence suggests, with- out, of course, rigidly demonstrating, that the Southern Coastal and Campestral marginals included in the Southern Hunters are not cul- tural reverts (Bird, 1938), but instead are cultural tarriants who have retained in an appreciable measure a very archaic pattern of culture. (Nordenskidld, 1931; Krickeberg, 1934; Cooper, 1925, 1941, pp. 9-13, 1942 b.) But in the descriptive treatment which is called for in the present volume of the Handbook, fuller discussion of this large prob- lem of historical interpretation is not in order. JRISE Wk tilos HR yd. ney | BARGE iod all be aol TEENS Seis — t Five whey p bese Oe ie geisil “tf . s P td » ¥ nin a BR ¢ 4h. LOT ROS ‘; fy on Pe ' sid La : é Nin 14 : BA EN Lf! : eid", O Fion Urars rn ’ i Pow DET FS a | « Tee) - : % eas CTEAVE)-E I i T f ' 1 4 i? Seareese 7 Et : ; ¢ 5 ran Te! ’ , x aris es Se rey | pPa'eas p Sle 7 es iT ° . 4 By ri t : ; : 2 ' ivy au Weir oat 1 dtd ot dane inc pagpaat topo hus okt od. sever pee a sd wood wianddalareaR yan, slate ny oti saerdh atone gis ‘Houma tebloide haa rion 5 Jniiivietad, 7 wep adh? bina im iagt or) be tH sr bger feta ff hat : aTiuenoies ip be ts emery nloitaLg j HEE! oe mit Wh nk ay h fo ily ‘ ‘4 Pa ~ bel 4 ry vale ont ae i a mm te ; Gah atu '4 Inotgoh a4 | no Bi gt = Toutho shale fue ditsteocia) teil) sen fn) rom att hetrcindas © wh) y rite teoBoby: Sahn! tse es a @ a iwodhatelh alto, prulor daepang A mobant fair leaite M sicktounal rm dase ‘Lu J ‘SoUISITA OGBO IBvoU sUTRId AsseIS UO SuIpoe voyYy ‘sdeospuexy uvuo0sejeg u1svyINoOG—'| ALVIg PLATE 2.—Southern Patagonian landscapes. Top: Typical grassland country, north side of Strait of Magellan. Bottom: Volcanic crater and core in g nd aréa, north side of Strait of Magellan. (Cour- tesy Junius Bird.) (o10UIQO AA JapuBXeTy AseqINoD) “Kooy [B1oUds) JBI OIdIN OTY 94 ) ule[d p 1 (Yybis) wojOog “dsdUIAOIg Sally sousng (fa) Wwoyog ‘dsULAOIg Selly soueng UL seysTeyy *(7Y624) doy ‘ejedez iwou odevospurl ugnbnon :(j/a7) doy “edureg 10}8915) 94} JO sodeospuey—'e ALVIdg (piemays “FT uelpne Asaqa ) “SedUIAOIg O1BON O1Y puB UoNbNON JO 19piog IBAaN ‘sopuy outyUNsIW | (74624) ulojjog (a10W140\\ JopuRxe[y ASojInoD) “BzZOpudsy, UT SO{[IIo1jI0g 4e AoT[BA UBepuy -(7/27) wWoyo_ (‘o10UI4o A JopUuBXeTy ‘OIUOJUY UBg OGeD IBON ° Old Sally soueng jo sounp pues :(7Y621) do (9100140, JopuBxXeTy ASsaqIn0,)) OY [Blouse wOU ATJUNOD BIBIN O1Y : ‘edwueg 1938015 94) JO sodvosp THE ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA By Junius Birp INTRODUCTION The geographical limits of Patagonia have never been fixed by law or even by common usage. In the present instance, Patagonia is used broadly to include the southern Chilean archipelago and the Argentine territory south of the Rio Negro. The island of Chiloé, though not properly within its limits, may for cultural reasons also be included. We deal then with a roughly triangular area, about 1,200 miles (1,920 km.) by 600 miles (960 km.) at its widest (map 1, Vos. 1A,1B,1C, 1D). The archeology of this region is of more than local interest. Some of America’s most primitive cultures survived here almost unaltered until recently. If, as supposed, they stem from ancient prototypes, the sites offer possibilities for revealing the changes they have undergone, the succession of cultures, and the time which has elapsed since they first reached the tip of the continent. Some information is now available, and the prospect for a complete recovery of the archeological record is unusually good here for sev- eral reasons. Most of the grasslands are unglaciated, and the moraines, marking different stages of the ice advance, he far from the east coast, except at the Strait, so that sites have not been destroyed. Furthermore, the land has gradually risen since before human occu- pation became possible so that sites close to the shore are preserved and their antiquity may be correlated with the elevation of the land. Finally, the many rock shelters and caves, especially in lava, served as sites where cultural remains have been excellently preserved for a long time (pls. 5, 6). The archeological problems of our area are somewhat simplified by the environmental influence on the cultures. The remains are al- most exclusively those of nomadic hunters and fishermen. Pre-Co- lumbian agriculture never extended south of Chiloé, and to this day the excessive rainfall and rugged topography of the southern archi- 1 All evidence indicates that the native populations of Fuegia at the southern end of this region ultimately came from the north. Nothing supports hypotheses of trans-Pacifie mi- grations, either direct or via Antarctica. 17 583486—46——_2 18 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 pelago discourage cultivation. On the Argentine side, the land is even now used primarily for grazing, although Europeans have suc- cessfully farmed the limited quantities of arable land in the northern valleys. Our region, however, has two cultural areas: that now occupied by the canoe Indians—Chono, Alacaluf, and Yahgan—in the archipelago west of the Cordillera, and that of the foot Indians—Tehuelche and Ona—in the broad, open country of Patagonia. There was little cul- tural exchange between these areas, except in the region of the Strait of Magellan, where the canoe and foot tribes had ready access to one another. On the densely forested and overgrown archipelago south of Chiloé, the food supply was principally shellfish, sea lions, and sea birds; land game was limited. Travel is possible only by boat or canoe, so that the preferred camps are, and always have been, protected moorings or landings which are close to sources of food. Contrary to what one might suppose, the most desirable part of the archipelago is in the extreme south, along the southern side of Tierra del Fuego, where a better climate induced people to remain. There is, in fact, a much greater concentration of middens there (pls. 6, 7, 8) than anywhere else south of Chiloé. The Atlantic coast is by contrast desolate. Vegetation from the sea back to the foothills is limited to grass or low bushes, and in places suffers from scanty rainfall. Beaches are open and unprotected, harbors are infrequent and poor, and shellfish, fish, and sea lions are not as plentiful, or at least as accessible, as on the Pacific side. Mate- rial for the construction of watercraft is absent, though a people with the skill and ingenuity of the Eskimo could, with any real inducement to develop a strictly coastal culture, have managed. Actually, land game provided the staple food, with the products of the beaches secondary. At the beginning of historic times, guanaco and rhea and probably Patagonian cavy were the important game in the grasslands, and the native economy centered on their pursuit and capture. Permanent camps could not be maintained, but sites that were sheltered from the wind, accessible to water, and in a good hunting district were used repeatedly. If not damaged by erosion, such sites are likely to yield data on a long period of human occupation. HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS The first recorded archeological discovery in this area was in 1578, when members of Drake’s crew, while digging a grave, found “a great grinding stone, broken in two parts” (Fletcher, 1652, p. 33). Interest lagged, however, until the latter part of the last century when settlers began to collect surface material. As this filtered into museums, espe- VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 19 cially in Buenos Aires, it aroused interest, and led to Dr. Félix F. Outes’ detailed report on existing collections (1904 a), long the stand- ard reference on Patagonian artifacts. This was supplemented by later papers (Outes, 1905, 1916) and the reports of other Argentine scien- tists, Ambrosetti (1903), Aparicio (1935), Vignati (1923 a, 1923 b, 1933) treating mainly surface finds, graves, and rock paintings. The first archeological report on the far south was Lovisato’s account (1885) of his examination of a midden on Elizabeth Island in the Strait of Magellan. The discovery of a Mylodon skin in a huge cave near Ultima Esperanza in 1895 stimulated excavation in search of additional remains of this animal. (For bibliography, see Gusinde, 1921.) In- vestigation exposed a small amount of late camp refuse, a burial, and 18 artifacts, 2 of which may have been as old as the sloth remains. The remains were variously explained, some persons even concluding that the Indians had stabled giant sloths in the cave, an explanation which has persisted even though one of the most reliable excavators (Nor- denskidld, 1900) doubted that the Mylodon remains and artifacts were really associated. On Tierra del Fuego, the first archeological study and examination of shell mounds on the east coast was made by Vignati (1927). In that year, Lothrop (1928) visited the area for ethnological and archeo- logical reconnaissance. His survey of portions of the south side of Tierra del Fuego revealed abundant evidence of human occupation. In the same season, Guifiazti (1936) mapped additional middens on the east coast. A few years later Sir Baldwin Spencer came from Aus- tralia to work in the same section, but died shortly after his arrival. From 1932 to 1937, the American Museum of Natural History spon- sored two field trips with the kind cooperation of the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural of Chile. These included a general survey of various sites south from Puerto Montt to the Strait of Magellan and intensive excavations on Navarino Island and in Chilean territory east of Punta Arenas (Bird, 1938). These sources, supplemented by valuable information from private collectors in Argentina, afford a reasonably reliable basis for a sketch of the prehistory of Patagonia and the Archipelago. CULTURE SEQUENCE AT THE STRAIT OF MAGELLAN The longest cultural sequence was found in several caves and shelters in the grasslands along the north shore of the Strait of Magellan in a section beyond the limits of the last ice advance. There were five prehistoric periods of the inland culture. The oldest consists of re- mains of people who hunted the ground sloth and the native American horse; the latest is indentifiable with the culture of the Ona of Tierra del Fuego. The periods are distinguished by the types of projectile 20 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 points and by the presence or absence of certain other artifacts. All lack pottery, which is found only rarely in this region on historic Tehuelche camps (pl. 5), associated with modern horse bones and trade beads. All have in common simple stone scrapers for working wood and bone. Blades for scraping skin, however, show an abrupt change in pattern and are an important diagnostic trait. The first three periods used large blades, which varied in size and proportions, while the fourth had the small “thumbnail” type which, because of the manner of hafting, is much more uniform in size. The last is used to the present day. First period.—The oldest culture can be most readily recognized by the projectile points—barbless blades with tapering stems expanded at the base. The few associated artifacts are: Bone flaking tools, bone awls, scrapers, rough chopping tools, and flat lava disks of unknown use (pl. 9). At this time cremation burial was practiced. Second period.—The second cultural level yields bone projectile points of varying form and size, two types of awls which seem to be confined to this level, and numerous scraping tools (pl. 9). Third period.—The third period produces stemless stone points, the majority of which are triangular in outline with rounded bases; awls; scrapers; and bolas stones. These stones are mainly small ones for taking birds, a significant fact in view of the use of bird bolas else- where in America (pl. 10). Contemporary human skeletons are flexed and smeared with red clay. Fourth period.—In the fourth period, stemmed knife and projectile points replace the stemless types and are accompanied by the small hafted scraper already mentioned. There are also simple beads and ornaments, awls, and large bolas stones of various forms (pl. 10). Burials thought to be of this period are found in stone cairns, the body extended. Fifth period.—Although artifacts of the fourth period may have been in use until the historic period, the presence of a fifth cultural group is evident. Small arrow points of a type characteristic of the Ona (pl. 11) associated with other typical Ona artifacts such as combs, beads, and rough bone tools show the relatively late presence of this tribe on the mainland. Historic period.—The only evidence of White contact at the Strait is the material on Tehwelche camp sites. The abundance of modern horse bones probably dates them at about the middle of the 18th century. Plain undecorated sherds, pipes, hammered copper orna- ments, and sometimes glass trade beads are found. CULTURE SEQUENCE AT BEAGLE CHANNEL On the shores of Beagle Channel, south of Tierra del Fuego, are innumerable shell middens, some quite large, with compact refuse VOL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 21 over 10 feet (3 m.) deep. They contain evidence of two distinct cultures. Early period.—The older is characterized, as in Alacaluf territory, by the use of mussel-shell knives, single-barbed harpoon points, bird- bone awls, whetstones, sinkers, rough choppers, simple ornaments, and the complete absence of the pressure flaking technique of stoneworking (pl. 11). In the Fuegian middens these items are accompanied by large bolas stones and small hafted scrapers, both of which must have been acquired from the foot tribes who, according to mainland chronol- ogy, first had them in the fourth period. Similarity of ornaments is further evidence that Tierra del Fuego borrowed from the mainland during this period. This simple culture evolved with slight change into the modern Alacaluf in the territory between the Strait and the Gulf of Penas. Its extension into Tierra del Fuego may indicate that the Alacaluf were then in what at the beginning of historic times was Yahgan territory. Recent period.—The late material, which forms the upper portions of the Beagle Channel middens, is identifiable as Yahgan (pl. 12). The use of pressure-flaked arrow, lance, and knife blades of distinctive forms, pit huts, drinking tubes, wedges, bark removers, and many scrapers distinguishes the Yahgan from their predecessors, while the use of single-barbed harpoons (though slightly modified) , bark canoes, sinkers, bird-bone awls and beads, and the same food habits were common to both. This seeming blend of two cultures does not appear to have occurred along Beagle Channel, where the transition is abrupt. There are no later changes, except for the introduction of the saw-toothed spear, possibly in historic times. ANTIQUITY The structure of the Beagle Channel middens and the beach deposit on which they rest shows that the land has risen about 15 feet (4.5 m.) since the first occupation of the sites, and 214 feet (0.75 m.) since the introduction of the Yahgan culture. As stone-tipped arrows, indicating the Yahgan culture, were reported in this district in 1624, the 214-foot change must represent over 300 years, so, if the uplift was constant—and there is some reason to believe it was—in this case the total age of the deposits cannot be less than 1,800 years. Lothrop (1928, p. 197), by estimating the population of a district, the volume of the middens, and the consequent rate of deposit, cal- culated the age of the middens to be between 1,300 and 2,600 years, and gave 2,000 as an approximation. Along the north shore of the Strait, 190 miles to the north, there is evidence that the land has risen 4214 feet (13 m.) above sea level 22 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buu. 143 since human occupation of the section began. If the land rose at the same rate as at Beagle Channel, 5,100 years is the minimum an- tiquity of the oldest cultures, Estimates of 5,400 and 3,000 years were secured by calculating the rate at which the cave deposits had accumulated since the first occupants disappeared and the sloth and native horse became extinct. Other geologic evidence of antiquity is that since the sloth hunters occupied Fell’s Cave on the Rio Chico that stream has dropped 16 to 1914 feet (5 to 6m.). Furthermore, it has been shown that during the first culture period, shortly before the sloth and native horse dis- appeared from the grasslands, there was a violent volcanic eruption along the present Chilean-Argentine boundary, apparently the last such activity in that area. Finally, and perhaps most important, human occupation has been correlated with the recession of a glacial lake, Laguna Blanca. This lake, which lies in a basin between the third and fourth (final) moraine systems, was studied, mapped, and described by Caldenius (1932). Within this basin, well below the terraces marking the old lake levels, is a shelter which was occupied by Indians almost immediately after the recession of the lake. The artifacts on the cave bottom, beneath 8 to 9 feet (2.4 to 2.7 m.) of soil, are of the third culture period, which was, however, almost im- mediately succeeded by the fourth period, showing that the lake had receded only shortly before the arrival of that culture at this site. The antiquity indicated by the glacial evidence is not clear. De Geer believed he had correlated the Patagonian varve series with the Scandinavian series and that Caldenius’ fourth or finiglacial moraines were contemporaneous with the Scandinavian finiglacial. Regard- less of the validity of such claims, it is worth noting that, in com- menting on the territory that has been freed from ice since the fall in the lake level, Caldenius states (1932, p. 147) : Within the two youngest [moraines] the original glacial topography is many times so well preserved that one is astonished not to find the glacier still in activity. PATAGONIAN CULTURES Argentine Patagonia has no stratigraphic studies for comparison with those made in the south. The large collections of surface mate- rial, published and unpublished, show marked uniformity north to the Rio Negro. Most of the projectile and knife points are identical or similar to those of the fourth period at the Strait, except for slight differences due, perhaps, to the better quality of stone available. Small Ona type arrow points also occur to the Rio Negro, but around and north of Deseado are other small arrow points differing from the Ona type. The latter are unknown farther south. Points belonging to the third period at the Strait have been found at scattered localities Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 23 up to Comodoro Rivadavia, and similar points occur in the Chubut Valley. In northern collections they occur in about the same very small proportion as in surface collections gathered near the Strait. Points of the first period have not yet appeared in the collections. Various types of scrapers and bolas stones give additional evidence of the general archeological uniformity. 1t seems probable that north- ern Patagonia will produce a sequence similar to that found at the Strait. The distinctive features of the north—the greater number of pot- sherds (some of them decorated with simple incised or punctate mark- ings), the drills (abundant in the north and almost unknown at the Strait), and rare pieces such as polished celts (Vignati, 1923 b), per- forated club heads (Outes, 1905, p. 437), curiously shaped objects (re- ferred to by Outes (1916) and Vignati (1923 a) as ceremonial axes), and engraved stone tablets (Outes, 1905, p. 469)—may all represent elaborations of the late periods. How the numerous cave paintings and petroglyphs relate to the chronology remains to be seen (Aparicio, 1935). CHILOE ISLAND Brief comments may be included on Chiloé Island and the adjacent area. Along the shores of the Gulf of Reloncavi and Corcovado and down the eastern side of Chiloé are many large shell middens. As yet we know all too little about their contents. The absence of pressure- flaked stonework in the lower portions of the deposits and the pres- ence of a few artifacts duplicating those found farther south show that the culture was identical to that in Alacaluf territory. Later ref- use, yielding pressure-flaked points of a type absent farther south and on the Argentine side, drills and polished celts (pl. 12), suggests influ- ence from the Chilean mainland. Pottery is rare, and may antedate the arrival of the Spaniards by only a short time. RESEARCH PROBLEMS Perhaps the most important task of the future is to learn more of the oldest cultures, the first two periods discovered at the Strait. This will have to be done in Argentine territory, where a further check on the correlation of the cultural and glacial periods can be made. One of the most puzzling problems is the origin of the Yahgan culture. Its distinctive stonework has not yet been found anywhere north of the Strait. Its pit house, impractical in the western archi- pelago but suited to the drier, windy country east of the mountains, has never been noted north of Elizabeth Island in the Strait. To un- derstand this culture, perhaps the first task should be a careful study of the house pits on northern Tierra del Fuego. 24 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 A third great need is to investigate fully the Chilotan middens. This is bound to be a tedious task, which will yield little in material specimens, yet the information gained may clarify the relationship between the oldest coastal cultures of northern and southern Chile. (See Bird, 1948, p. 309.) BIBLIOGRAPHY Ambrosetti, 1903; Aparicio, 1935; Bird, 1938, 1943; Caldenius, 1932; Fletcher, 1652 ; Guifilaz, 1986; Gusinde, 1921; Lothrop, 1928; Lovisato, 1885; Nordenskidéld, 1900 ; Outes, 1904 a, 1905, 1916; Spencer, 1931; Vignati, 1923 a, 1923 b, 1927, 1933. PLATE 5.—Southern Patagonian landscapes. Top: Rio Chico Valley, Chile, near Argentine border. Bone fragments of Period 4 camp refuse in foreground. Bottom: East side Laguna Blanca, Chile. Rock shelters are common in these canyons. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 6.—Archeological sites, southern Chile. Top: Midden site, north side of Navarino Island. Canoe runways and markings on beach below midden. Bottom: Cave in volcanic outcrop, Chile-Argentine boundary, containing extinct horse bones and a few artifacts. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 7.—Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego. Top: Midden (center of picture), Na- | varino Island. Bottom: Navarino Island midden. Depressions mark pit house locations. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) ews page % tons PLATE 8.—Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego. Top: Midden, Puerto Pescado, Naya rino Island. Bottom: Cross section of above midden. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) aS ae as sim PLATE 9.—Stratigraphy, Straitof Magellan. Top: Period 1 artifacts. a, End scrapers; 6, side scrapers; c, chopping stones; d, rubbing stones; e, early type chipping tools (?); f, bird awls; g, early type stemmed projectile points. Bottom: Period 2 artifacts. a, Side scrapers; b, end scrapers c, bird awls; d, bone awls; e, bone points. (After Bird, 1938, figs. 27, 26.) PLATE 10.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Period 3artifacts. a, Bolas; b, bone scraper; c, straight- stemmed projectile points (very rare); d, hafted scrapers (very rare); é, end scrapers; /, side scrapers; g, stemless projectile and knife points. Bottom: Period 4 artifacts. a, Chipping tools; b, incised bone; c, beads and ornaments; d, bone awls; é, side scrapers; f, end scrapers; g. hafted scrapers; h, Patagonian projectile points and hafted knives; 7, bolas. (After Bird, 1988, figs. 25, 24.) PLATE 11.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Period 5 (Ona) artifacts. a, Chipping tools; b, Ona projectile points; c, beads and ornaments; d, bird awls; e, bone awls; /, bark remover (?), early; g, combs. Bottom: Beagle Channel, shell-knife culture artifacts. a, Bolas; 6, fishline sinkers; c, bark remover (?), early; d, bone awls; e, bird awls; f, round-shank harpoons; g, hafted scrapers; h, comb; i, beads and orna- ments; j, Shell knives; k chopping stones; /, side scrapers; m, whetstones. (After Bird, 1938, figs. 23, 21. 3 in. 4 uk om PLATE 12.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Beagle Channel, recent period. a. Whalebone wedges; 6, drinking tube; c, shell knives; d, fish spear; e, bolas; f, fishline sinkers; g, whetstones; h, flat-shank har- poons; i, bone awls; j, side scrapers; k, end scrapers; /, bark remover, late; m, bird awls; n, beads and orna- ments; 0, chipping tools; p, projectile and knife points. Bottom: Early and late Chiloé artifacts. a, Potsherds; 6, projectile points; c, polished celts; d, whalebone wedges; €, pointed shell tools; f, beads and ornaments; g, hafted drill; h, flaked sinkers; i, whetstones; j, chopping stones; k, flaked tool (?). (After Bird, 1938, figs. 20, 22.) THE ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA By Gorpon R. WiLtey GEOGRAPHY AND ENVIRONMENT The country lying north of the Rio Negro, east of the high Andes which separate Chile from Argentina, west of the Parana River, and, roughly, south of parallel 32°50’ S., is considered in this paper as the Greater Pampa (map 1, Vos. 1, 1F, 2). It embraces, geograph- ically, the central one-third of the Argentine Republic. Beginning at the south, it includes a portion of the Territory of Rio Negro, the Territories of Neuquén and La Pampa, the Province of Buenos Aires, rather vaguely defined lowland portions of the Provinces of Cordoba, San Luis, and southern Santa Fé, and most of the Province of Mendoza (map 3). The natural environment is varied. On the extreme west are the Cordilleras and eastern piedmont of the Andes. The latter slope down gradually to the Dry Pampa of western La Pampa and San Luis and the lowlands of Cérdoba. Continuing east, the Dry Pampa gives way to the Humid Pampa of eastern La Pampa and Buenos Aires. These plains were originally covered with clusters of scrubby trees and grasses, a vegetation type known as “monte.” Toward the southeast, in the Province of Buenos Aires, the rainfall is heavier and the summers are cooler. Tall prairie grasses were prob- ably once the most important cover in this section (James, 1942, pp. 284 ff.). These Pampa lands with their heavy soils were not adapted to cul- tivation with Indian techniques, and the region offered a barrier to both the Andean and Tropical Forest types of horticulture which, in aboriginal times, bordered the Pampa on the north. Exceptions to this are the settlements at the Parana Delta, where the land is wet, marshy, and favorable to cultivation, and the inter-Andean valley settlements of Mendoza, where a highland type of agriculture was practiced. For peoples living in either the mountains or Pampa, on a nonhorticultural level, the country offered resources sufficient to sus- tain numerous small nomadic or semisedentary groups. The rhea and the guanaco were the most important food animals. These were supplemented by deer and otter, and various small birds. Roots, 25 2°26 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 wild fruits, and berries were gathered; and fish and shellfish formed a large part of the diet of the river and coastal groups (Joyce, 1912, p. 246). SOURCES With but a few exceptions, the present knowledge of Pampa arche- ology is due to the persistent efforts of Argentine scientists over a period of a great many years. Beginning with F. Ameghino (1911 and many other titles before and after this date) there have been a suc- cession of investigators. The present paper is based largely upon their writings. In the earlier decades Ambrosetti (1902, 1909) and Outes (1897, 1904 b, 1905, 1906 a, 1907, 1909, 1911, 1926 a) were outstanding contributors. Oliveira Cézar (1895) and Lehmann-Nitsche (1916 a) were other important authors. These were followed by L. M. Torres (1922, 1923) and more recently by an outstanding leader in the field, Vignati (1931 a, 1931 b, 1931 c, 1931 d, 1937 a, 1937 b, 1937 c, 1939 b, 1940, 1940-41, 1942). Other able and well-known archeologists and anthropologists of the contemporary scene are Serrano (1930, 1936, 1940 a, 1940 b, 1940 c, 1940 d, 1940 e), Marquez Miranda (1934), Fren- guelli (1941), Frenguelli and Aparicio (1932), Aparicio (1935, 1940, 1942), Greslebin (1928 a, 1928 b), Basavilbaso (1937 a, 1937 b), Bruz- zone (1931), and Salas (1942). Métraux (1929) conducted important studies in Mendoza, and has been followed in this region by the Argentine scientist Rusconi (1940 a, 1940 b, 1940 c, 1940 d, 1941 a, 1941 b,1941c). The Swedish investigator Boman (1908, 1920) and the North Americans, Hrdlicka (1912), Holmes (1912), and Lothrop (1932 b), must be added to this list. This by no means exhausts the references to the literature on Pampean archeology. However, from the sources cited the reader may orient himself in the subject. THE BASIC CULTURE OF THE GREATER PAMPA The basic culture throughout most of the Greater Pampa area is founded on a hunting and gathering economy. The artifactual re- mains and the nature and disposition of archeological sites imply a simple, conservative culture. In spite of subareal variations, the basic culture traits are similar or identical for the entire area. That this widespread Pampean culture once existed in a pure state is an hypothesis. Documentation, which ranges from the middle 16th to the early 19th century, reveals alien influence at different periods. Most early observers recorded a culture which had been influenced by important European innovations. They also reveal late Araucanian influences which modified the simpler culture of the Pampa. Begin- ning in late pre-Conquest times, traits such as metal ornaments, from Vou, 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY Di. the northwest, and, possibly, some knowledge of maize cultivation, from both the northwest and the northeast, were filtering into the Pampa. Because archeological sequences are imperfectly known for the southern Andean and the Parana River areas, as well as the Pampa, it is not easy to factor out foreign elements from the old culture of the Pampa (Cooper, 1941, 1942 a, 1942 b). Stonework.—Because of the importance of hunting throughout the Pampa, chipped-stone weapons and implements were universal. Stone-tipped projectiles were used to kill game, and scrapers of all types to clean and treat hides. Authorities agree that the lithic in- dustry is an old Pampean trait complex but disagree as to its antiquity (Hrdlitka, 1912). An Argentine paleolithic, correlated with pre- Pleistocene geological periods, is still seriously considered by Argen- tine scientists (Frenguelli, Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 5). Various sites along the Atlantic coast, and elsewhere, have been classed as paleolithic and equated with the geologic Tertiary. A crude hand-ax or chipped pebble is the principal artifact type for this paleolithic (Ameghino, F., 1911). Holmes (1912), who studied a number of these hand-axes gathered by Hrdlitka from beach sites between the mouth of La Plata and Bahia Blanca, considered them to be cores, from which flakes had been struck for the manufacture of scrapers and projectile points, and not utilitarian objects. Outes (1909) considered them to be artifacts but of a relatively recent age. Hrdlicka (1912) also denied that the geological associations at the sites indicated the great antiquity claimed. Lack of demonstrable vertical series makes it necessary to discuss Pampa archeology in typological and distributional terms. This does not mean that all archeological material gathered to date can be subsumed in a brief, recent period. Leaving aside paleolithic claims, it is probable that there is considerable time depth to the basic culture of the Pampa. ; Considered as a single, undifferentiated horizon, the chipped-stone industry presents a number of weapon and utensil types, most of which occur throughout the Greater Pampa, although with some dif- ferentials in distribution. The forms include small and _ large, stemmed and unstemmed projectile points, knives, a variety of scrap- ers, drills and punches, crude grooved axes, gravers, and flake knives. They were made by percussion and percussion combined with pressure flaking. In competent workmanship and their moderate abundance, these artifacts are, as Holmes (1912) pointed out, comparable to the stonework of the Middle Atlantic States of North America. 1In fact, for the present, a horizontal segregation of sites in Buenos Aires Province sug- gests a pre-ceramic to ceramic sequence to Outes (1897). His differentiation between tal- leres (workshops for flint tools), without pottery, and paraderos (sites), with pottery, could be interpreted sequentially instead of functionally. 28 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLn. 143 Chipped stone is better developed in the southern Pampa than the northern region around Buenos Aires. Large, carefully chipped leaf- blade artifacts, especially stemmed projectile points, are characteris- tic of the Rio Colorado and Rio Negro country, but the common points of the north Pampa are small, stemless, and triangular. The hand-ax, of paleolithic mention, is a feature of the north but is lacking in the south. Plano-convex scrapers are present in the southern Pampa, but a notable northern form, the small hafted duck-bill scraper (fig. 1, top row), is only occasionally found there.? There is less areal differentiation of ground stonework than of pro- jectile types. The bolas is universal in the Greater Pampa. Bolas stones vary in size, and are spherical, biconical, or ovoid. They were attached to the thong by a medial or end groove, or were tied in a small hide bag. The wide archeological distribution of the bolas in southern South America suggests antiquity.2. Numerous grinding and pounding tools in all parts of the area attest to the importance of food gathering as well as hunting in the native economy. Mortars, pestles, mullers or manos, grooved hammers, pitted hammer stones, and anvil stones are, technologically, much like those from the early hori- zons of the eastern United States. Polished stone lip plugs and ear- plugs are scattered allover the Pampa. Their original sources, or cen- ters of distribution, were probably northern. Pipes, the origins and antiquity of which are puzzling, have a modified monitor form. They are widely distributed. Rather elaborate polished and sometimes en- graved stone axes and plaques (placas grabadas) are found in the southern and southwestern portions of the Greater Pampa (Holmes, 1912; Outes, 1905). Ceramics.—The pottery of the Greater Pampa is uniform as com- pared with the technologically more advanced ceramics of the Andean or Tropical Forest areas. It is medium-well to poorly made and fired, and is thicker and coarser than the Andean or Tropical Forest ware. Forms are simple bowls and subglobular bowls or jars. With very few exceptions, it is unpainted. A large percentage is undecorated. Decorative techniques include incising, punctating, “drag-and-jab” or stippled-line punctating, and textile impressing. The first three techniques in special combinations characterize subareas or cultural divisions of the Pampa. Pottery is most abundant, and is best made and most elaborately decorated in the northern part of Buenos Aires Province. Its antiquity in the Pampa cannot be known, but it is 2 The small hafted scraper is not common in extreme southern Patagonia until the fourth archeological period in that region. This is only shortly subsequent to the beginning of historic times. (See Bird, 1938.) 8 Bird (1938) shows bolas first appearing in his third period in southern Patagonia. They became much more numerous and varied in form in his fourth period. (See also Bird, this volume.) Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 29 \ oN) NG FicurE 1.—Chipped-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast. Top row: Duck-bill scrapers from Campo Peralta and Necochea. Center row and bottom (left): Plano-convex blades from Campo Peralta (14 natural size). Bottom (right): Nucleus of quartzite from which flakes have been removed (14 natural size). (After Holmes, 1912, figs. 29, 31, 27.) 30 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buy. 143 definitely pre-Conquest. Its manufacture seems to have been discon- tinued by 1767 (Cooper, this volume). Miscellaneous.—Ornaments of shell and projectiles, awls, and punches of bone are found in many of the sites. More rarely, silver pins and ear ornaments and ornaments of rolled sheet copper are found. Metal objects, when not post-Conquest, are undoubtedly the result of contact with the Andean cultures to the northwest, and the objects themselves are probably trade pieces. Dwellings and burials.—Dwellings are not known from arche- ology, but early accounts describe them as temporary, pole-supported structures of a kind that leaves little archeological evidence except post molds. Burials were in, or near, the midden sites or sometimes in caves. They are both secondary and flexed primary. The bones often were painted before interment. LIMITS OF THE GREATER PAMPA ARCHEOLOGICAL AREA The basic culture of the Greater Pampa contrasts with the cultures of adjacent areas. Its geographical limits, however, are not sharply marked; it has blended with adjoining cultures to form archeological subareas along the northwestern, northeastern, and western peripheries of the Pampa, which are included as parts of the Greater Pampa area (map 8). s Urucuay Fi) Buenos Aires ATLANTIC OCEAN — Pampa % I PAMPAS PROPER I QUERANDI SUB-AREA II MENDOZA-NEUQUEN SUB-AREA IZ SAN LUIS-CORDOBA LOWLAND SUB-AREA Map 3.—The Greater Pampa archeological area and subareas. VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 31 In northwestern Argentina, the Atacamefan cultures of Jujuy and Salta and the Diaguita or Diagwita-derived cultures of Tucumin, La Rioja, Catamarca, San Juan, and Santiago del Estero are Andean intype. There is no revealed archeological evidence in these provinces of simpler cultures similar or comparable to those of the Pampa. Farther south, the highlands of Cérdoba and San Luis were the seat of the historic groups, the Comechingon and Sanaviron, who repre- sent the southeastern extension of the Andean agricultural pattern into the country of the southern hunting tribes. There are a number of resemblances between the archeology of the Comechingon-Sanaviron region and that of the Pampa. The intervening lowlands of southern San Luis and eastern Cordoba appear as a cultural borderland and are treated as an archeological subarea. On the northeast, the Pampa culture merges into that of the Parana Delta and into the archeological area of the Parand River in eastern Santa Fé and Entre Rios. Influences of the Tropical Forest are dom- inant in the archeology of the Parana and of the Delta, but the region of the historic Querandi, lying in northern Buenos Aires Province and southern Santa Fé, while Guarani influenced, is essentially Pampean and forms another archeological subarea of the Greater Pampa. Along the western border of the Pampa, in the mountains of Men- doza and Neuquén, is another cultural borderland or third archeolo- gical subarea. In this case the bordering sedentary culture which influenced the old Pampean pattern was probably the Araucanian of Chile. The Pampa proper, the habitat of the historic Puelche, is the great, low-lying plains of the east and south, extending down to the Rio Negro, where, theoretically, occur the archeological remains of the old, unadulterated culture of the Southern Hunters. The Rio Negro is a convenient southern boundary for the Pampa, but the archeology of Patagonia, to the south, is closely related. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE GREATER PAMPA Pampa proper.—The archeology of the Pampa proper is well represented by the sites on the San Blas Peninsula‘ (Outes, 1907; Torres, 1922). Stonework.—The lithic component from sites in the semiarid, desolate San Blas country consists of: Plano-convex scrapers made from flint flakes (fig. 1, top and center rows) ; both the narrow blade and the ovate leaf-form knife; expanded-base, T-form, and slender spike-form drills; and projectile points, the number of types of which ‘The Hucal site in La Pampa (Outes, 1904) is culturally very similar to the sites on the San Blas Peninsula. ae SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buty. 143 intimate that the San Blas sites cover a considerable time range.® Un- stemmed points of medium and small size are triangular or ovate, equilateral or elongated, and have straight or concave bases (pl. 13, three top rows). Stemmed points are similar in shape and propor- tions (pl. 13, bottom row). There are also some very small stemmed and unstemmed points of the delicately chipped type, called bird points in North America (pl.13,¢op). A number of exceptionally large, long points are classed as spear points. Bone tools, probably employed as flint-chipping implements, were associated with the flint artifacts. Lip plugs and earplugs, made of local stone, and polished and en- graved stone plaques, are present in the San Blas region. The plaques bear decorative figures very similar to those on some of the pottery; rectilinear zones and chevron figures, either plain or filled with fine cross-hachure, are characteristic. ‘The engraved plaques occur south in Patagonia to the Rio Deseado (Serrano, 1940 a). Bolas stones, mortars (fig. 2, top), mullers (fig. 2, bottom), and pestles were found in considerable numbers on the San Blas Peninsula. Ceramics.—The pottery of San Blas (pl. 14) is fairly well fired and constructed, and is either tempered with crushed quartz or appears to be temperless. Forms are subspherical. Teat-shaped pot sup- ports, used in threes (?) or fours (?%), occur. Decoration is on the vessel exterior, arranged in a band just below the rim. The following variations are noted: Simple fine-line incisions; simple incisions com- bined with rows of small punctations; simple incisions with puncta- tions used as filler for various designs; deep groovelike incisions sometimes combined with deep punctations; and semilunar puncta- tions, made with an instrument or, possibly, the fingernail. Designs are either geometric or crudely drawn forms which cannot be inter- preted with certainty as naturalistic elements. L. M. Torres (1922) has postulated two ceramic periods of the San Blas Peninsula upon the basis of design evolution and relationships to other areas. He connects the fine-line incised designs with the ceramic and stone decorations of Patagonia, and believes them to represent the earlier period. He relates the grooved incising to the Buenos Aires coast and makes it a second period. The geographic connec- tions are indisputable, but the proposed sequence awaits stratigraphic demonstration. Burial—Simple interment was practiced in the Pampa. When burials were secondary, the skeletons must have been cleaned of flesh 5 Bird, this volume, notes that projectile point types of his third and fourth southern Patagonian prehistoric periods are found in northern Patagonia. The unstemmed points of medium size of the Pampa proper are like those of Bird’s third period. The stemmed triangular points match with those of his fourth period, and the small, stemmed bird points resemble the Ona type. The small triangular stemless point with a concave base, common in the Pampa, is apparently not a part of the southern Patagonian series. PLATE 13.—Projectile points of the Pampa proper. Vicinity of SanjBlas,f{Buenos Aires. Two top rows: Small stemless and stemmed triangular form (commonin north Pampa). Third row: Large stemless form (similar to Bird’s, 1938, third Magellanic period). Bottom row: Medium-sized stemmed triangular form (similar to Bird’s, 1938, fourth Magellanic period). (4/5 natural size.) (After Holmes, 1912, pl. 13.) PLATE 14.—Sherds from San Blas Peninsula, Buenos Aires Province. a, Grooved-incised decoration; b, semilunar punctations; c, d, fine-line incisions with zoned punctations; e, /, fine-line incisions combined with cross-hachure and rows of punctations. (After Torres, 1922, figs. 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45.) — PLATE 15.—Querandi sherds. Punta Piedras, Buenos Aires Province. a, 6, c, d, Semilunar or elongated punctations within grooved-incised zones; e, punctations in incised zones; f, incisions. (After Vignati, 1931 a, pls. 5, 6, 8.) ‘ee ee ~e : Sie sae rer bs Swe + %& %, PLATE 16.— Querandt sherds. Punta Piedras. a, Decoration combination of serried punctations and “drag-and-jab”’ punctation-incision; }, ‘‘drag-and-jab’’; c, Semilunar punctations; d, incisions or connected Semilunar punctations. (After Vignati, 1931 a, pls. 5, 6, 8.) PLATE 17.—Querandi sherds. Punta Lara, Buenos Aires Province. a, b, c, ‘‘Tubulares’’; d, e, fine-line incision; f, g, grooved-incisions; h, fingernail imbricated sherd. (1/2 natural size.) (After Bruzzone, 1931 pls. 3, 5.) PLATE 18.—Querandi bone artifacts. Arroyo Sarandi, Buenos Aires Province. a, Shaft straightener; b-d, socketed lance point (0 is 3 in., or 7.5 em.); e, antler punch or tapping tool (105¢ in., or 27 em.); f-j, bone awls of various shapes and sizes (h is 444 in. or 11.5em.). (After Lothrop, 1932, figs. 71, 72.) seen EERIE ER RS d e PLATE 19.—Pottery, Mendoza and Angol, Chile. a, b, d, e, Viluco style; c, Araucanian style. (a, b, d, e, after Métraux, 1929, pls. 5, 7; c, courtesy D. S. Bullock.) PLATE 20.—Polished stone artifacts. Top: Ax with engraved designs from Aguada del Chanar, Rio Negro. (Length 4 in. or 9.1 em.; width 245 in. or 6.1 cm.; thickness 44 in.,or8em.) (After Vignati, 1931 b, plate opposite page 174.) Bottom: Offertory basins from Mendoza. (Length 8}4in., or 22cm.; width 5 in, ,or 12.3 em.; depth of basin 1 in., or 2.4em.) (After Rusconi, 1941 a, figs. 6, 7.) PLATE 21.—Stone artifacts from Neuquén. a, Bola (15 natural size); b, celt (45 natural size); c, sobador one size); d, hafted celt from Chos Malal salt mine (14 natural size). (After Aparicio, 1935, pls. g A i SS PLATE 22.—Sherds from Cérdoba._ a, |), ‘‘ Drag-and-jab;”’ c, d, f, zoned punctations; e, so-called net-marked; g, net-marked or cord-marked (?). From Los Porongos, Mar Chiquita area. (After Aparicio, 1942, pls. 1, 2, 3.) h, i, Incised sherds. From Villa Maria. (After Outes, 1911, figs. 102, 103.) VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 33 x \\\ Nt ‘\ Stl Oe \\ SA SN 2 t wea GU ca taagitnhy i: af 7 i ee any ii Hitt, ut it! \ i Ni Wie s cared oa ip \ “al a if tf Hpi Wi, Wu ic ‘i Pp ‘\ Mii iN en FINN Hays Ae \\ AN \ Clad Wid] (ond i: Ni ale Peet i Meeill ‘Nh lk NS: “vel fike wei Figure 2.—Ground-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast. Top: Mortars of sandstone from Blas and Viedma (% natural size.) Bottom: Mullers or manos of granite and sandstone from Viedma and San Blas (1% natural size). (After Holmes, 1912, fig. 35.) before inhumation. A few rather elaborately painted skulls, with red, black, yellow, and green on a single skull, have been recorded (Vignati, 1937 a). Querandi.—The archeology of the Querandi subarea is concerned with those sites south and west of the Parana and La Plata Rivers, in the historic habitat of the Querandi tribe. Arroyo Sarandi (Loth- rop, 19382 b), a delta site near Buenos Aires, and sites in the Lake Chascomus and Lake Lobos (Outes, 1897) region of northern Buenos Aires Province are representative. Additional sites containing very similar archeological finds are those of Rio de las Conchas (Oliveira Cézar, 1895), Punta Piedras (Vignati, 1931 a), Punta Lara (Bruz- zone, 1931), and Rio Matanzas (Basavilbaso, 1937 a). The southern limits of the Querandi archeological subarea are not clearly defined. Sites—The village sites attributed to the Querandi are shallow refuse mounds representing at least semipermanent living places. Arroyo Sarandi, located on the intermediate ground between the flood plain of the river and the higher ground of the Pampas, is a thin rubbish site, apparently several acres in extent. Outes (1897) describes some of the midden sites, or paraderos, in the Chascomus- 583486—46——3 34 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 1438 Lobos region as 45 to 165 yards (40 to 150 m.) square, and others as much larger, although these latter may not be deposits of continuous refuse. Sherds, flint artifacts, and other objects are scattered over the surface of the sites and distributed through the midden. Ceramics.—Certain pottery is very similar to that found else- where in the Pampa, but some types are uniquely Querandi, so that the total pottery complex differs from that of the Pampa proper. The Querandt ware is generally the hardest and best made. The temper is sand, grit, or tiny smooth pebbles, although Punta Piedras (Vignati, 1931 a) is exceptional in that both ground-sherd and vegetal- fiber temper were reported. Thickness of vessel walls ranges from 2 mm. to 2.5 cm. There are no composite or other unusual vessel forms. Hemispherical bowls and shallow bowls with plain and re- curved rims, and sometimes with small tubular spouts set just below the rim, are typical. Most Querandi pottery is plain or is decorated with punctations or incisions (fig. 3). Red and white pigments are used sparingly, sometimes being applied as a slip of the entire vessel, but more often as bands forming rim borders (fig. 4, bottom). Sometimes red zones or bands are enclosed with incised lines (fig. 4, top). Lothrop (1932 b) mentions Arroyo Sarandi as the southernmost occurrence of painted pottery on the Atlantic coast, but it has since been reported farther south but still within the La Plata district (Vignati, 1931 a). The Querandi painted decoration was undoubtedly an idea received from their Guarant neighbors. A horizontal stratification at Punta Lara suggests that Guarané influences were added to the Querandi complex, presumably at a later time. Bruzzone (1931) found grooved- incised and “drag-and-jab” incised pottery together on one area of the site; and found the same types associated with red-zoned and finger- nail-imbricated (pl. 17, 2) were segregated on a contiguous but sep- arate part of the site. The incised and punctate Querandi decoration is arranged in a band encircling the vessel exterior just below the rim. Incision is usually of the deep-grooved rather than the fine-line variety. Other techniques include deep rectangular or triangular punctations (pl. 16, a), stippled line or “drag-and-jab” incision-punctation (pl. 16, a, 6; fig. 3), and semilunar punctations that do not appear to be fingernail impressions. These techniques are combined into the fol- lowing designs: Borders consisting of a series of parallel grooved, straight or wavy lines; similar borders done with “drag-and-jab” lines; rectilinear or undulating zones outlined with grooved lines and filled with semilunar punctations (pl. 15, a, 6, c, d); stepped, triangular, and connected diamond designs which may be filled with punctations 35 ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY VoL. 1] Le lemialvle cles senecamqesc.es'g mo rae 1 suc eons ! ‘ 1 1 wom CEI 1 . ' | i! ‘ 1 WOSmnO erie, I ' ‘ SSeS S TSR 5) Ay F 4é U ! I, Lhe EF ’ 7, LA 1 ‘ Ws 4/ ’ ' 4 4/ ' eg eg 1 ‘ (44 ' ' ( “ ' A NY ' y NK \ i) ' NS NS ’ \N ’ } aRe Dy ' ' ' “w“w Ny 1 1 \\ u 4 1 al ' et wwe we KH 4) 1 ' ' yore V ' 1 ’ oe ' 1 un Cole Sa ae ' ' ) { ’ ' i! i! ‘ ! be---555) ' 7 \\ ' 1 4 vA) ' ] Y sf ' sf 44 ' | 7 ha 1 | s/f 4 J ie. ne MAL 1 os Ae 1 NS KC MEAS i] \N \ NY “. i] cw NSN NSN i] X\ 1 ' | ' ‘ ‘ ’ ' ’ ' ' | ' 1 ' ' ! ' ' ‘ ' ' y ! ' ' ' ' s ' ' ) ’ ‘ ' ‘ { as Ns ‘ cece wees ob du a fe a ue ae er i i ri. Ge OW SRS) | ; giver ep) ieee root | : 1 oy eS ‘ : ui 1! WW ' ‘ " lbenea Cee i I I HT Hon F HT ' ‘ i gasses f= =k i ‘ Hi Hy i! ; Nee TB Ce ‘ " ly HH t ve tit I ts = ‘ ’ W ’ | i] 1 4t Lely " fl ' ea [eens “oy 1 ‘ " Vv i ' it f=es> | ' ' ' ' ib ' a 1 ' ' i] ' et 1 y i i\ ' u Hie FT it te i) haa! ' ‘ ' >>> |! : i ', il i! ! ' HW 1 mee ' nak a : 4 h “CSS ' Pte Meets t 5 Wes Use at 4 ite lero oer ees were aa ath SES eg no ial re TS .N ~O eet tw er mm me me Ke ee ew ee ee em ew ee ee eee Ke ee ee ee ee “drag-and- (After Lothrop, All are examples of Querandé incised sherds from Arroyo Sarandi. b” or stippled 1 1932, pl. 23.) FIGURE 3. or 10 cm.). in., (length of bottom sherd 4 i . ine incision ja 36 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buin. 148 a V2. i —— ind “4 ape Ficure 4.—Painted sherds from Arroyo Sarandi. Jop: Sherds with incised zones filled with red. Bottom: Use of red bands, no incisions. (After Lothrop, 19382, figs. 56, 54.) (pl. 15, e) ; and stepped and other rectilinear designs executed by rows of deep punctations. Occasionally fine-line cross-hachure is noted on vessel interiors. Both the “drag-and-jab” technique and the designs composed only of rectilinear arrangements of rows of deep puncta- tions are Querandi features, or, at least, are more common in northern Buenos Aires around the Parana River than in the southern Pampa. (See Lothrop, 1932 b, pp. 155-56, for a discussion of decoration variations and their distributions. ) Ceramic objects other than pottery from Querandi sites include per- forated pottery disks, possibly spindle whorls (found south to Pata- gonia), and “tubulares,” or “pot-rests” (pl. 17, a, 6, ce; fig. 5, left) (from delta Querandi and Guarani sites). The latter are hollow, more or less tubular objects. Quite possibly they are also a diffused Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 37 Guarani trait. Lothrop (1932 b) lists a single pottery pipe from Arroyo Sarandi. Stonework.—Chipped-stone projectile points are mainly un- stemmed, small, and triangular. Plano-convex round and elliptical scrapers, including the duck-bill type, are common in the Lake Chas- comus region. Stone mortars and grinders are found in Querandi sites, and accord with the historical accounts of their use for grinding fish. Bolas, both spherical and oval, are common. FicurRE 5.—Querandi artifacts from Arroyo Sarandi. Left: ‘Tubular,’ or pot-rest (restored height 7 in., or 18 cm.). Right: Bone arrow point (length 2% in., or 6 cm.). (After Lothrop, 1932, figs. 62, 70.) Miscellaneous.—Socketed bone points with a long narrow tang and a single flat barbed and stemmed bone blade (fig. 5, right) were re- covered at Arroyo Sarandi. Querandti sites of the Delta abound in bone tools (pl. 18), including sharpened fish spines, pierced horn implements probably used to string fish, awls of all types, and bone pegs which appear to have been used on spear throwers. The scarcity of large, stemmed stone points in Querandi sites suggests that bone or wooden points must have often been used to tip the spears. Objects of personal adornment were made of shell or hammered metal. 38 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buty. 143 Burials —Burials occur in the shallow refuse at Arroyo Sarandi. They are about numerically divided, half secondary and half primary interments. Secondary burials sometimes comprise masses of bone with the remains of several individuals. The primary burials are extended. Burial offerings do not accompany the dead. Lothrop (1932 b) suggests that, as the secondary burial was the widespread aboriginal Pampean custom, primary burial may be a European in- novation. European objects found in the midden at Arroyo Sarandi clearly indicate that occupation of the site extended into the post- Contact period. Mendoza-Neuquén.—This archeological subarea diverges from the Pampa proper more than the Querandi, perhaps because the unique traits found in the mountains of Mendoza and Neuquén came relatively late from the Andean cultures, and therefore stand out in stark relief against the old Pampean culture pattern. G'warani traits, which are the exotic elements in Querandi, are, on the other hand, probably much older importations that were more thoroughly integrated into the local picture. A good many of the non-Pampean archeological elements of the re- gion occur at Viluco, a site in northern Mendoza. There is disagree- ment as to the origin and relationships of the Viluco culture. Boman (1920) sees Viluco as a 16th-century Puelche or Huarpe site. Métraux (1929 a), in a later analysis, argues that it is a post-Contact site of Araucanian origin. L. M. Torres (1923) concurs in Métraux’s view, while Canals Frau (this volume, p. 170) inclines to attribute the Viluco type archeological complex to the Huarpe. Boman concluded that Viluco was an agricultural community, which practiced irrigation to sustain crops in a rather inhospitable en- vironment. He opened a number of graves in a cemetery area at the site. These graves were 3 to 5 feet (1 to 1.5 m.), or less, in depth and each contained a flexed burial or burials. The accompanying grave artifacts were of both aboriginal and European manufacture. The latter, which include iron lances, iron nails, glass beads, and Christian religious medals, place the burials and probably the entire site as post-Conquest. Some of the grave pottery is painted, and there are a number of unusual forms, especially a small, single-handled pitcher or jar and a single-handled kero or beaker (pl. 19, a, b, d, e). The painted pottery has a dull red or buff background with black, red, white, or red and black designs. The designs are geometric stepped figures, zigzags, nested triangles, bands or zones segmented into compart- ments, fields of checks, parallel straight or wavy lines, dots, and stars. Except for the painted ware, the majority of vessels, including the pitcher with single handle, and the sherds are a plain black. No simple incised or punctated pottery of a Pampean type was found Vow. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 39 at Viluco, although a few basketry-impressed sherds, resembling those from Cérdoba, were obtained. There is agreement that the Viluco pottery is generically Andean, but its more exact relationships have not been determined. In the writer’s opinion, there is little specific similarity to the classic Andean Tiahuanaco-Epigonal and Nazca styles. The Diaguita style of North- west Argentina has only a slightly greater resemblance to Viluco. Comparisons to what is probably Araucanian pottery, across the Andes, are more rewarding (pl. 19, ¢). The single-handled pitcher or jar is a characteristic Araucanian form (Latcham, 1928), and Araucanian pottery utilizes dark-red designs on a neutral buff ground and has similar designs. Additional features in the Viluco graves which relate that site to Chilean Arvaucanian are pottery whistles (fig. 6), pyramidal dice, ecereeccoss: Peter cece mt cceese y Be re: \ i ANN ‘ZZ Z 2) aig Ha wy Se 7) as eS rs. ey Gis ss - oS is Me tae » = ain © hie sae .w ik Fs: en Z, ~ i] si oS -& <7 = = JF rg RS TE S epee tn: =2sq a > =_B ~~: SN =A WS -2F SS Eg \\ FIcurRE 6.—Silbato, or whistle of pottery. Cemetery of Viluco, Mendoza. Rusted iron nail adhering to whistle (14 natural size). (After Boman, 1920, fig. 9.) 40 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 and brass ear ornaments. Métraux (1929) considers the pictographs of the immediate region of Viluco to be Araucanian, although he re- gards the pictographs in extreme northern Mendoza as Diaguita. The projectile points found at Viluco (Torres, L. M., 1923; Boman, 1920) are all of the small, unstemmed variety, very similar to those of the Pampa proper.® Other sites in Mendoza yield microlithic points, quite different from any in the Pampa region. Other Pampa traits at Viluco are spherical and pyriform bolas, a bone lip plug, and shell necklaces and perforated shell disks. These last are, interestingly, made of Pacific as well as Atlantic shells. Square-bodied copper punches and wooden beads found in some of the graves may or may not be of aboriginal origin. Whether or not Viluco was an Araucanian or Huarpe site is, of course, not conclusively proved by its archeology. A very strong case can be made to demonstrate that its material remains are closely related to Chilean Araucanian. It is, of course, possible that the Avau- canian features, including agriculture, were borrowed and rapidly assimilated by a simple, nonhorticultural people, such as the Huarpe. Such an assumption supposes a very quick and complete change in the underlying mode of life of a peripheral Pampa people. Archeological evidence indicates a relatively brief and late period to be involved. Presumably, Pampean peoples had been living in close proximity to Andean agriculturists for several hundred years previous to the Euro- pean Conquest without basically changing the Pampean mode of life. It seems doubtful that such a swift acculturation of non-European ele- ments took place after the Conquest. Although the Viluco site is representative of many of the distinctive features of the Mendoza-Neuquén subarea, other non-Pampean finds have been made in the mountain valleys of the two provinces. The subterranean granaries, lined with tied sticks and clay-capped, and the above-ground rock structures of the Uspallata Valley are clearly non- Pampean features (Rusconi, 1940 b).7. Basketry, to judge from bas- ketry-impressed sherds, must have been a prehistoric as well as an historic and modern native industry. There are deep, man-made holes in large stationary rocks, presumably mortars for grinding food (Rusconi, 1940 c). Stone lip plugs both of the flat Pampean variety and of an elongated spike form (Rusconi, 1940 d) obtain in Mendoza. More unusual artifacts are the Fuentes de Ofrendas, or offertory basins, made of steatite or pottery. These are somewhat like the snuff tablets from Northwest Argentina, although the former are ovoid rather than quadrangular. <A typical specimen shown by Rusconi (1941 a) ® Larger stemmed points are found at other sites in Mendoza, as at Cochico (Outes, 1906 a). ™The pottery from these rock structures, or Tambillos, is, in the judgment of the writer, quite similar to the Viluco style. (See Rusconi, 1940 b.) Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 4] is 8.7 inches (220 mm.) in length, 4.8 inches (123 mm.) in width, and 1 inch (25 mm.) deep, and has a projection at one end which seems to be a crude animal efligy head (pl. 20, bottom). 'The sides and bot- tom bear designs resembling those on the stone plaques and axes of Neuquén, Rio Negro, and Patagonia. An interesting monitor-type pipe (Rusconi, 1941 b) from the Department of San Rafael is also made of steatite, in the form of an animal. The tobacco bowl is in the animal’s stomach and the self-stem is the tail. The pipe is be- lieved to have been a trade piece from the northwest. In Neuquén, to the south, the chipped-stone artifacts (fig. 7) are much lke those of Mendoza except that the large stemmed projectile points are found in addition to the small stemless points. Some of the latter are carefully and delicately chipped of obsidian. Ground-stone weapons and grinding tools are like those of the Pampa proper, but, in addition, there are curious maul-shaped objects called sobadors (Aparicio, 1935). These are approximately 6 inches (15 em.) long with a cylindrical body and a round, flattened head. Made of porous rock, they are said to have been used for the pounding and depilation of skins (pl. 21, ¢). Neuquén pottery is apparently simpler than that of Viluco. Sherds from the Lake Lacar site, while mostly plain except for a few incised fragments, differ from Pampa pottery in having handles. The plain red and plain pottery vessels uncovered near Covunco Centro are iden- tical in form to the little single-handled jars from Viluco. This Covunco Centro ware is said to be modern (or relatively late) Araucanian (Aparicio, 1935). Stone celts (pl. 21, b, d) and axes of distinctive forms have been found in Neuquén. The latter have an abrupt central constriction while others are more like an inverted “T” in outline. They are usually flat and thin in cross section, well polished, and may be engraved. They are sometimes called “pillan toki,” or votive axes (Ambrosetti, 1902; Vignati, 1931b). They have been found in Mendoza, La Pampa, Rio Negro (pl. 20, top), and Patagonia. The engraved designs on some of the axes are similar to those on the engraved plaques of Rio Negro (fig. 8) and Patagonia. Some authorities consider the axes to be Araucanian. San Luis-Cérdoba lowlands.—There are fewer data available on this subarea than the others. It is possible that the lowland country between the mountains of Cérdoba and San Luis and the Paran4 River was very sparsely occupied in prehistoric and early historic times. The little material from this country appears to be related to the Cérdoban highland and the Pampean and Querandi cultures. Pottery—Pottery from Villa Maria, in the lowlands of central Cér- doba, is described as mostly a plain ware with quartzite and mica 42 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 WW \\’ Fieurr 7.—Chipped-stone artifacts from Neuquén. Top: Pointed scraper. Bottom: Plano- convex knife with fine retouch. (Both natural size.) (After Aparicio, 1935, figs. 3, 5.) Vor. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 43 S © OSD FiGurRE 8.—Engraved stone plaque from Rio Negro. Obverse and reverse. (After Greslebin, 1928 b, pl. 2.) temper, poorly fired but well smoothed (Outes, 1911). The decorated sherds are grooved-incised (pl. 22, h, 7). Pottery from the region of Mar Chiquita in the lowlands of northern Cordoba resembles the Parané littoral in its “drag-and-jab” technique of decoration (pl. 22, a, 6). Some sherds from Mar Chiquita are decorated with incised zones filled with punctations (pl. 22, ¢, d, f), a combination suggesting the south, although the small pottery sample makes this a very tentative judgment. More abundant at Mar Chiquita is a net-impressed pottery (pl. 22, e, g), which is probably Andean derived (Aparicio, 1942) .8 One sherd with a handle was included in a recent collection. Burial—A single primary inhumation of a flexed, articulated, but decapitated, burial was excavated at a site near Mar Chiquita. The primary flexed inhumation is the Andean rather than the Pampean mode of disposal of the dead (Frenguelli and Aparicio, 1932). “Hornos.”—Various Argentine archeologists (Greslebin, 1928 a; Rusconi, 1940 c; Frenguelli, 1941) have commented upon the curious olla-shaped earth ovens or storage pits which are an outstanding fea- ture of the San Luis-Cérdoba region and are also found in Santa Fé and Mendoza. These “hornos,” or “botijas,” range in width from 114 to 3 feet (0.5 to 1 m.), and in depth from 114 to 134 feet (40 to 60 cm.). 8 Some of these sherds may possibly be cord-wrapped paddle stamped rather than net- impressed. 44 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 When intact they are apparently globular, being narrower at the mouth than at the midpoint. The “hornos” lie entirely beneath the present ground level except for the rim of the mouth. This rim and the upper walls of the “horno” are of well-fired clay. The lower third of the walls and the base is unfired and usually filled with carbonized vegetal material (fig. 9). There are variations in form, although in some cases these appear to be the result of erosion. hogar 24 Z, Ficurr 9.—Cross section of two “hornos,” or “botijas.’ From Los Baldes, San Luis. 1, Vegetal ash; 2, burned earth from direct action of fire; 3, heterogenous carbonized vegetal matter; 4, sandy soil. (After Greslebin, 1928 a, fig. 7.) Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 45 The immediate surroundings and orientation of the “hornos” have been of little help in determining their function. Usually they are clustered, without any apparent purposeful arrangement or spacing. Whether they were situated inside dwellings, or even within camp areas, is not known. Sometimes, sherds and flint scrap found nearby indicate a village; at other times, the pits are remote from any evi- dence of human habitation. The “hornos” have been considered as ovens for firing pottery, ovens for cooking food, storage pits for pre- serving fires, repositories for cremated remains of the dead, and reservoirs.® The last two purposes seem ruled out by the nature of the “hornos” and by their contents or lack of contents. Unless new data of a revealing sort are added to present knowledge, speculation upon their function appears futile. CONCLUSIONS AND PROBLEMS The conclusions to a summary of Pampa archeology lead into ques- tions from almost every point of departure. We know that, stripped of Guarani or other presumably Tropical Forest traits and elements derived from the Highland cultures of the northwest or the Arauca- nian to the west, there is left a certain cultural residue in the Pampa. It has been referred to here as the “basic culture” of the Greater Pampa. Within this residue we observe that the trait of pottery making and decorating was most developed in the north near the La Plata and Parana Rivers, and that there was a diminution of the pottery trait to the south. This fact, combined with the absence of pottery from all prehistoric periods at the extreme south of the continent, is a reasonable argument for supposing that pottery mak- ing diffused from north to south. Does then, the fine-line incised pottery from the southern Pampa represent an earlier pottery period than the incised Querandi wares in northern Buenos Aires Province? If so, a similar style might be found stratigraphically beneath Querandi pottery in the north. In like manner, do the stemmed points and engraved stone plaques of the south belong to such a pre-Querandé horizon in the north? Or is the medium-sized, stemmed projectile point derived from the south? Bird’s data (1938) suggest the latter. We know almost nothing concerning the age of bolas in the Pampa except that they are prehistoric. In Patagonia they are considered a very late, post- Contact importation from the Pampa. Yet Bird (1938) has strati- graphic evidence at the Strait of Magellan to show that bolas have a respectable antiquity. Are they older there than in the Pampa? Were they developed in the far south? These are only a few of the questions that cannot be answered without further evidence. * It has also been suggested that they are natural formations. 46 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. BuLt. 143 It appears that the immediate tasks in Pampa archeology are: first, to determine a sequence within the Pampa; second (or concur- rently), to establish a chronology for the richer archeological regions of the northwest and northeast; and third, to prove relationship or lack of relationship between these two sequences and to compare the results with the sequence at the Strait of Magellan. Did a cul- tural complex that is technologically equated with and typologically similar to that of the Pampa underlie such cultures as the Diaguita or Santiaguefa in the northwest and survive in the Pampa? Or, on the other hand, if Pampa cultures are not marginal survivals of an old culture layer, are they the product of a people who were forced out of the Andean or Tropical Forest orbit of living, and who adjusted to an inhospitable environment? The answers to these questions, more fundamental to New World prehistory than the Pampean- Patagonian relationships discussed above, await the interrelation of cultural stratigraphic sequences. Such stratigraphy need not neces- sarily involve a great time span or be cross-referenced to major geologic phenomena. In all likelihood it can best be calibrated by the small stylistic changes and frequency-count variations of the stratified materials within individual archeological sites. BIBLIOGRAPHY For bibliographic references, see page 26. THE CHONO By Joun M. Cooper NATURAL ENVIRONMENT The circa 300-mile strip of the southern Chilean archipelago, from about 43°30’ to 48° S. lat., which constituted the habitat of the Chono, is a region of hilly islands, deep fiords, and tortuous channels, in which travel was of necessity mostly by water (map 1, Vo. 10; map 2). The Chono were, like the Alacaluf and Yahgan, a distinctly canoe people. The climate is marked by a predominance of damp, cloudy days, by very high rainfall in all seasons, well over the 80-inch (200 cm.) per year mean, by strong to violent prevalent westerly winds, and by temperatures cool without being severe. The islands and mainland coast are mostly covered with dense, extremely wet, tem- perate rain forest. TERRITORY The northern limit of Chono territory—the dividing line between the southernmost Araucanians of southern Chiloé and the northern- most Chono of the Guaitecas Islands region—was Corcovado Gulf, as is clear from our 16th-, 17th-, and early 18th-century first-hand sources, Goicueta, Ferrufino, Venegas, Pietas, and Olivares. That the early Chono lived or wandered as far south as the Taitao Peninsula is reasonably clear from Garcia. They probably extended a little farther south, to the Gulf of Peas and the Guaianeco Islands, at least in the middle or later 18th century, but the point is open to some question, as the Chono ethnic identity with or relation to the “Hudlli,” “Cauca- hue,” and “Guaiguen” of this region just south of Taitao Peninsula is none too clear. (Cf. below, Names and Divisions and Language, and detailed review and discussion of evidence in Cooper, 1917, pp. 32-41.) The Chono were in contact from very early times with the Arauca- nians of Chiloé. They raided the Chilotans to secure iron and other plunder; the Chilotans raided the Chono and took women and children as captives. The Chono of the Guaitecas Islands used to capture “Huillis” farther south, to keep them in a sort of drudgery servitude, and to sell them to the Chilotans. 47 48 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bun. 143 NAMES AND DIVISIONS The name Chono (etymology unknown), probably the name which the people called themselves, was first recorded in Ferrufino’s letter of 1610. Other tribal denominations used by early Spanish writers for natives living in the region between Chiloé and the Guaianeco Islands are: Huilli (Huille; from Araucanian willi, “south”), Cauca- hue (Caucau; Araucanian kaukau, “gull”), and Guaiguen (Arauca- nian waiwen, “south” [wind]). Some at least of these “Huilli,” “Caucau,” and “Guaiguen” were probably Chono. In the said region there may possibly have been more distinct tribes than one, or two or more well-constituted subdivisions of one tribe, but we have no clear evidence thereof (Cooper, 1917, pp. 30-34). HISTORY OF INVESTIGATION Contact was first made by Whites with the Chono on the Ulloa ex- pedition in 1553. Our first description of them was given by Goicueta, the chronicler of the Cortés Hojea expedition of 1557-58. <A half- century later, some further data on Chono anthropology were gotten with the advent of the Jesuit missionaries, Fathers Estevan, Ferrufino, and Venegas, to Chiloé and the Guaitecas Islands in 1609-13—data recorded in the Cartas Anuas (1927), and cited or drawn upon in the writings of Fathers del Techo, Rosales, Olivares, and Lozano. Around the middle of the 18th century, some further light was shed on Chono anthropology by Byron, Campbell, Bulkeley and Cummins, and the anonymous author of the Affecting Narrative, who were mem- bers of the crew of the Wager, which was shipwrecked on the Guaitecas Islands in May 1741; and by Father Garcia in his account of his mis- sionary expedition of 1766-67 to the Guaianeco Islands. Since then additions to our knowledge of Chono culture have been negligible. Nearly all our exceedingly scant information, from the sources, on the history, territory, culture, and language of the Chono, has been sum- marized and discussed in Cooper (1917, passim.). LANGUAGE Not a single word of the Chonoan language has come down to us, except, perhaps, the word Chono itself, three names of unidentified birds (colman [=cormorant?, to judge from context], optem, piupi- gue: Garcia, J., 1889, pp. 5, 18,24), and a few tribal, personal, and geo- graphical names. The three words listed by Fitz-Roy (1839, Appen- dix, p. 142) as Chonoan were more likely Alacalufan. Ferrufino’s (1927, p. 111) and Estevan’s (Torres, D., 1927 b, p. 380) manuscripts in and on the Chonoan language have been lost, perhaps irretrevably. From our historical sources on the Chono, however, certain general conclusions regarding their language can be formulated. Vor. 1] THE CHONO—COOPER 49 That the Chono spoke a tongue distinct from the Araucanian of southern Chile and of Chiloé is abundantly testified, and there is no ground for assuming that Chono may have been a highly divergent dia- lect or language of the Avraucanian family. That they spoke a Ze- huelchean-Onan (Chon) dialect is extremely unlikely. That their language was distinct from that of the Alacaluf or of the archipelagic canoe-using natives immediately south of them, beyond about 48° S. lat., is slightly more probable than not, but such difference, if it existed, may have been merely dialectic. In any case, we have no even near- solid scientific ground for classifying Chono as a distinct isolated lin- guistic family. (Cf. Cooper, 1917, pp. 34-41, for discussion of evi- dence.) POPULATION Our various first-hand accounts of Chono territory indicate that it was thinly populated, but exact data on the total population are not available. We have only a few figures, from missionary records, The Jesuit missionaries baptized 220 Chono of the Guaitecas Islands re- gion and estimated that there were not more than 50 other Chono at the time, 1612-13, in the region (Venegas, 1927, p. 382). A century later, in 1710, hard pressed by raids both of the Chilotans and of more southern Indians, 30 Chono families, and, shortly after, 200 families or more than 500 souls, were settled under the Jesuit missionaries on Huar and two other islands in the Gulf of Reloncavi. They or some of them were still there in 1786, but in 1795 Moraleda found no Indians on Huar. In 1745 some Guaineco Islands Indians were brought back and established on Chonchi Island under mission auspices. In 1765 the Island of Cailin, just off the southeastern coast of Chiloé, was set aside as a mission for the Chono, and thither came many Caucahue and later Calen. In 1779, 11 Guaineco were persuaded by Fathers Marin and Real to return with them to Chiloé. In 1780, 30 or 32 came to Lemui Island, off the central eastern Chiloé coast, but left about a year afterward. In 1780-81 the Chono established on Cailin moved to Chaulinec Island, east of Lemui. In 1788 Moraleda reported 21 or 22 families of Chono on Apiao Island, east of Chaulinec. In 1790 the surviving 22 Chono on Chaulinec returned to Cailin. After this date the Chono’s trail is lost almost completely until 1875, when Captain E. Simpson came across a sole family of “Chono” in Puquitin Channel between Ascension Island and the Guaitecas Islands. We have no later reports of surviving Chono. All later observers since 1875 have declared that the islands north of Taitao Peninsula were uninhabited except by a few Whites or Chilotan Indians. The Chono appear to have become completely extinct, unless they were from the beginning, as is not improbable, only a branch of the Adacaluf, 583486—46——4 50 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 and later merged with their Alacaluf fellows south of the Taitao Peninsula (Cooper, 1917, p. 46-47). CULTURE Our knowledge of Chono culture is exceedingly meager. No single survey covers even material culture in any detail, while social and religious culture is an almost complete blank. Our most important first-hand sources, such as they are, are Goicueta ([1557-58] 1879), Ferrufino (1927), Venegas (1927), Campbell (1747), Byron (1768), and Garcia, J. ([1766-67] 1889). The data given in Del Techo (1673), Rosales (1877-78), Olivares (1874), and Lozano (1754-55) are largely derived from Ferrufino and Venegas. In the following pages the data on the canoe-using Indians from J. Garcia and Byron are cited as Chonoan. Inasmuch, however, as their “Caucahue” and “Chono” respectively cannot be shown beyond all doubt to have been true Chono, the citations are made with some reserve. In most respects, Chono culture, so far as known, was identical with or similar to that of the Alacaluf. Certain elements of Araucanian culture had spread down the coast as far at least as the Guaitecas Islands. Such were: sporadic gardening and herding, the polished stone ax, and the plank boat. Such diffusion is readily understand- able in view of the known raiding and trading contacts of the Guaite- cas islanders with the Chilotans (Cooper, 1917, pp. 48-45). There is no evidence of Tehuelche influence upon Chono culture, although the Chono may possibly have been in sporadic contact with the Tehuelche along the mainland coast. The “gigantic” Caucahue described by some sources, as distinct perhaps from the smaller-stat- ured Caucahue described by others, who were observed at various times in or near Chono territory, may possibly have been of Tehuelche stock, but the point is very far from clear. SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Fish, shellfish, and seals constituted the basic diet. Birds, eggs, and stranded whales were also eaten. Water and seal oil were the custom- ary beverages. No systematic agriculture was carried on, but there is some evidence of sporadic cultivation, even in pre-Contact times, of the potato in the Guaitecas Islands region (Goicueta, 1879, p. 513), and, in the post- Contact period, of maize and barley. Before the coming of the Whites, the only domesticated animal was the dog. Some of the Chono north of Taitao Peninsula bred small, long-haired, shaggy-maned dogs, and from their hair made short man- tles. In later times, the Chono kept a few sheep and goats. VoL. 1] THE CHONO—COOPER 51 Cormorants were taken at night with torches and clubs. In seal hunting a “lazo” (not a lasso) and a long heavy club were used by the Caucahue (Garcia, J., 1889, p. 6). “Canquen” (Chloéphaga, a goose), when molting and unable to fly, were rounded up and driven to land by throwing pebbles at them from canoes, and were then slaughtered with clubs (Garcia, J., 1889, p. 837). For other hunting weapons, see page 52. The women were accustomed to dive for shellfish. According to Goicueta (1879, p. 518), the Chono used a wooden fishhook, but there is some doubt about this. Fish nets were made of bark fiber; seal nets, of rawhide. The dogs were trained to help in the fishing. Hot stones were employed for boiling fish in bark buckets. Seal meat was sometimes eaten raw, a piece being put in the mouth and cut off close to the lips with a shell (Garcia, J., 1889, p. 23). HOUSES Huts were of sticks covered with boughs, bark, or skin. Those observed by Byron (1768, p. 123) were of beehive or domed construc- tion, the framework consisting of branches stuck in the ground in a circle and bent over at the top, where they were bound with a kind of woodbine, split by holding in the teeth. Those described by Venegas (1927, p. 381) were, inside, barely the length of a man’s body and so low that one had to kneel in order to keep from touching the top. In some cases, only the bark or skin cover was carried around in the canoe from camp to camp; in other cases, the pole framework as well. The hearth was in the center of the hut. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Clothing, including short mantles covering the shoulders only and longer ones reaching to a little below the waist, was of skin, woven dog’s hair, bark, and woven down or feathers. A pubic covering, made of large, hard leaves (kelp?) cast up by the sea, was also used (Ferrufino, 1927, p. 111). No head or hand covering or footwear is reported. Red, white, and black face and body painting was in use. The tonsure was sometimes worn. Scarification was practiced; but no tattooing is recorded, nor is any form of bodily mutilation, or of finger, ear, or nose ornament. Necklaces of shell and bone, and feather diadems were in vogue. Garcia, J. (1889, p. 28) observed one man around the north end of Fallos Channel with two bird wings on his head. TRANSPORTATION Travel was almost entirely by water. No rafts, balsas, skin boats, or dugouts are reported. As early as first European contact, in 52 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 1553, the plank boat, similar to the one used by the Araucanians of Corcovado Gulf, was employed by the Chono between Corcovado Gulf and Cape Tres Montes. It was originally of three planks, caulked with bark, and made, without axes or adzes, with use of fire, flints, and shells. Usually it leaked a good deal and required much bailing. There was a portage route from the Chonos Archipelago across the Isthmus of Ofqui to the Gulf of Pefias; the plank boat was taken apart for portaging and put together again at the end of the portage. In later times, from about 1767, a sail was sometimes used. In the middle 16th century, south of the Gulf of Pefias, only bark canoes were used; these were made of thick slabs of bark, and were of crescent shape. In the course of time, the plank boat largely re- placed the bark canoe, gradually spreading down the coast from the Gulf of Penas and being first reported in the Strait of Magellan, near the western end, in 1765 (Cooper, 1917, pp. 195-204 passim.). MANUFACTURES Pottery was absent. The Chono “wove” mantles or blankets of dog’s hair, of bark fiber (presumably woven), and of bird down, but no details on technique are available. Nor have we any information on basket making, skin dressing, or stoneworking. Buckets were made of bark. The flint axes and adzes attributed to the Chono by Pietas (1846, p. 503) were not unlikely of Chilotan origin, as were the stone axes that have been occasionally found in Chono territory (Cooper, 1917, pp. 44-45, 217). Some kind of stone and shell tool was used in making plank boats. Weapons.—The usual hunting weapons were the spear and club, the former with a head of bone, probably single-barbed. Byron states (1768, p. 129 ) that the natives, most likely Chono, but not certainly so, with whom he was in contact used “bows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance”; all other first-hand observers are silent, and no arrowheads appear to have been found archeologically in Chono ter- ritory. Neither slings nor spear throwers are reported. Fire.—Torches were made of bark. There is no information on fire-making methods. SOCIOPOLITICAL CULTURE On the nonmaterial aspects of Chono culture we have only the few scattered fragments of information that follow. Marriage.—Garcia, J. (1889, p. 42) reported his Chono as monoga- mous. The “Chono” cacique who guided Byron from Wager Island to Chiloé apparently had two wives, an older and a much younger one, perhaps a mother and her daughter by a previous marriage; it is very doubtful, however, whether he was a real Chono or was repre- sentative of Chono culture (Cooper, 1917, p. 76, 165-66). Vou. 1] THE CHONO—COOPER 53 Political life—The Chono had some kind of headmen or chiefs, but what authority they had, if any, is uncertain. Delco, the “cacique principal” of the Guaitecas Islands, was at the same time an appointee of the Spanish authorities of Chiloé (Ferrufino, 1927, p. 110). The Chono raiding expeditions among their neighbors to the south and north have been previously noted (see Territory). Chono weapons were spears, clubs, and stones. There is no report of shields or armor, and cannibalism is not recorded. Economic life—The Chono were in trading relations with the Chilotans. Besides serving as middlemen in taking captives among their southern neighbors and selling them to the Chilotans as “slaves,” the Chono themselves kept some of these captives in a kind of drudgery slavery. Gathering fuel, diving for sea urchins, and searching among the rocks for shellfish were tasks of the women; cutting poles for the hut, sealing, and apparently cormorant hunting, tasks of the men. LIFE CYCLE In one case reported, a father cut his hair to celebrate the birth of a child. Burial in caves was common. One instance of platform burial is recorded. Burial in embryonic posture or with knees flexed to shoulders occurred. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES There is no mention of musical instruments in our sources. On dancing (cf. infra) and singing there is almost no detail. Garcia, J. (1889, p. 29) was welcomed by the men and women dancing and sing- ing most of the night; the singing reminded him of a lullaby crooned to put an infant to sleep. There was apparently no native Chono intoxicant. (Cf. Cooper, 1917, p. 44.) RELIGION We have only a few scattered data on certain rites and observances. Byron (1768, pp. 145-146) and Campbell (1747, pp. 61-62) give short descriptions of a rite, apparently religious, performed by men and women. Vocalizations began by deep groans and gradually rose to “a hideous kind of singing.” The participants, in frenzy, snatched firebrands from the fire, put them in their mouths, and ran about burn- ing everyone they came near; at other times they would cut one an- other with mussel shells until smeared with blood. And so the cere- mony went on until exhaustion ensued. When the men stopped, the women began. Byron’s Christian cacique kept aloof, and stated that “the devil” was the chief actor among the Chono on these occasions. 54 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 A person could harm another if he possessed a bit of the latter’s hair. Garcia, J. (1889, p. 29) reported a case (probably but not cer- tainly Chono, as in much of the information from Garcia) of death from black magic wrought by obtaining hair from the top of the vic- tim’s head. Garcia was told that only hair from the top of the head would serve; that all the natives of the vicinity cut the hair from the crown of the head for fear of sorcery; that the possessor of such hair, if he wished to harm the person from whom it was stolen in sleep, would place it between two stones, dance around it all night invoking the “demon,” and from time to time pound, strike, and pierce it; that, if he wished to cause the victim’s death forthwith, he would take it to sea and tie it to some kelp, or would go to the mountains and throw it down trees. The purloined bit of hair was kept tied with whalebone. Garcia’s Caucahue (probably Chono) blacked their faces with char- coal on entering a lagoon in which icebergs were floating and on the banks of which snow lay, “to salute the snow, lest they die,” and on another occasion one of them painted his face to bring good weather. The Caucahue with Garcia were much incensed at a Spaniard who threw his poncho in the sea water to wash it; the Moon, they said, would be angry and send them bad weather (Garcia, J., 1889, p. 14). It was taboo to look at a flock of parrots passing overhead, lest bad weather follow; to throw kelp or shellfish on the fire, lest the sea become rough; to throw shells in the water, Byron being severely rebuked for throwing limpet shells from the canoe into the water. In curing her husband who was suffering from some malady of the back, a woman massaged his back and chest, spurted water on him from her mouth, cried, wept, and moaned, and applied her mouth to his back. Then another woman came and anointed him and smeared him with “colo” on the arms, chest, and back. He himself dived into the water many times daily. The rite was a magical one, Garcia was told (Garcia, J., 1889, p. 37). On mythology, lore and learning, and etiquette, no information is available. THE ALACALUF By Junius Birp HABITAT AND HISTORY The Alacaluf (Halakwulup, Alakaluf, Alacalouf, Alaculuf, Ala- culoof, Aluciluf, Alukoelif, Alooculoof, Alookooloop, Alukulup, Alokolup, Alikhoolip, Alikuluf, Alikaluf, Alikoolif,+) have, from early times, inhabited the archipelago along the Chilean coast from the Gulf of Pefias (lat. 47°30’ S.) to the islands west of Tierra del Fuego (map 1, Vo. 1B, see also map 2). Habitat.—This is a wild, rugged region, isolated by a natural barrier of mountain crests and massive ice fields along its eastern margin, and a difficult water passage at its northern limit. There is heavy rainfall—in places, more than 120 inches annually—distributed rather uniformly throughout the year and generally accompanied by strong westerly winds. Low dense clouds and an extremely small total of hours of sunshine are depressing. Temperatures are moderate, subzero (Fahrenheit) records being rare extremes in the far south. The mean annual temperature is close to the 43° F. reported for Fuegia (records taken in the Strait of Magellan and south) with remarkably slight daily or seasonal fluctuations. Snowfall at sea level is light and of short duration; the summer snow line lies between 1,500 and 2,000 feet (450 and 600 m.) elevation. Most of the region has a dense vegetation which, together with the physical structure, makes travel by land impossible or difficult (pls. 23, 24). The Alacaluf are consequently an essentially canoe- or boat- using people. Accustomed to this environment, they have never shown any inclination to leave it. History.—Along the one route from Alacaluf territory to other coastal areas, namely, the Strait of Magellan, archeological and his- torical evidence does not reveal the presence of the Alacaluf in the grassland area beyond Elizabeth Island, abreast of the eastern limit of the forest growth. Archeological remains of the first inhabitants along southern Tierra del Fuego and the islands to the south are so closely 1See Cooper, 1917, pp. 5-6. Alacaluf may have been derived from the Yahgan Innalum Aala Kaluf, “western men with mussel-shell knives.” 55 56 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buby. 143 related to the Alacaluf culture that it seems safe to assume that the Alacaluf preceded the Yahgan in that district. When considering historical records, it is well to remember that there is reason to question the identity of some of the canoe-using natives encountered where the Yahgan and Alacaluf territories overlapped, as the Yahgan also ranged as far as Elizabeth Island in not very distant times (Bird, 1938, p. 260). European contacts.—The records of various European contacts with this tribe have been admirably compiled and analyzed by Dr. John M. Cooper (1917). In the 16th century, major references show eight published records of contact with canoe-using Indians in the Strait and one in the channels to the north; in the 17th century, six in the Strait and one to the north; in the 18th century, eight in the Strait and two to the north; and in the 19th century, eight in the Strait and four to the north. Excepting the early voyages, these accounts prob- ably concern only a minor portion of the actual contacts between Whites and natives. As no comprehensive first-hand ethnographic study of the Alacaluf has ever been published, the importance of the accumulated data in historical sources is apparent. The information is, on the whole, extremely sketchy and of varying reliability, but it permits comparison of the Indians’ former and present status and a fairly accurate summary of the changes that occurred through the years. At the present, probably 160 to 200 Alacaluf survive. They are rather evenly divided into two scattered groups,” one occupying the inner channels between the Gulfs of Pehas and Trinidad; the other concentrated just north of the western entrance to the Strait of Magel- lan. The southern group has borne the brunt of White contact and suffered accordingly, both culturally and physically, while the north- erners continue to live much as their ancestors did many centuries ago. Early records reveal a friendliness which soon gave way to distrust of the “cristianos,” a feeling which endures today. The introduction of steam navigation marked the first real utiliza- tion of Alacaluf territory by Whites. Prior to the discovery of the passage south around Cape Horn, the Strait of Magellan held tempor- ary importance; a settlement for defensive purposes was established in 1584. This failed, and, though many exploring expeditions and some sealing and hunting parties entered the region, no further settlement was made until 1848. Only when the use of steamers justified the establishment of a lighthouse service along the Strait did the southern group come into fairly regular contact with Whites, which was ? Estimate based on personal observations checked with José Remulo, a Chilean mar- ried to an Alacaluf woman and actively engaged in trading with her people during the past 18 years. Gusinde subdivides the southerners into two groups, but has not yet published his reasons for this distinction. Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 57 strengthened with the building of a coaling station in Munoz Gamero Bay shortly after 1900. In 1888, the Salesians started a mission for the Alacaluf and Ona on Dawson Island, which was not very success- ful as it conflicted with their normal nomadic existence. Moreover, when brought together, the Indians were rapidly decimated by con- tagious diseases. Finally, a steamer route from the Strait northward through the channels to the Gulf of Peas gave the northern group their first regular contacts, but, until the lighthouse was established on San Pedro Island in 1932 and the Punta Arenas air-route station erected on Wellington Island in 1936, no Whites settled in that area. The annual visits of small parties of men from Chiloé Island to hunt coypus and otter afforded the northern group important contacts that are not mentioned in the literature. In 1934, 14 boatloads passed San Pedro; in 1935, eight. It is not known when this custom started ; probably it was during the present century. The Indians feel con- siderable animosity toward these people. Though the White contacts with the southern Alacaluf date back to the early voyages of exploration, the Indians were little influenced until the last half of the 19th century, and the northern group remained much more isolated because of the slight economic worth of the region. It is unsuited for agriculture or stock raising; it has no important mineral deposits; and the demand for timber has not yet warranted the exploitation of the forest resources. A new industry just be- ginning is the gathering of deep-water shellfish by men equipped with diving outfits. In the past, these divers operated in the Chono Archi- pelago, but with the depletion of reserves there, have started work south of the Gulf of Pefnas, one party being reported at English Narrows in 1942. Population.—The lack of Alacaluf population figures is under- standable. There are no important estimates prior to 1900; after this date, the more reliable estimates vary from about 200 to 400 (Cooper, 1917, p. 47). At present, men familiar with these natives believe that they are not decreasing. Archeology shows that the greatest concen- tration of midden refuse in Alacaluf territory is along the inner channels between the Gulfs of Pefas and Trinidad. South of Trini- dad and along the Strait and down into Barbara Channel, camps are scattered and have only shallow middens. Nowhere, either north or south, is there any concentration of refuse comparable to that seen in the Yahgan territory. Even with complete data on the amount and distribution of the evidence of occupation, it would be presumptuous to give any figure for the former Alacaluf population as it might have been in Magellan’s time, but it is doubtful if they ever exceeded a few thousand. 58 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 SOURCES The following information on material culture is based on the writer’s observations of about 95 natives encountered during the 6 months spent on archeological work in Alacaluf territory in 1935-36, supplemented by information from an Alacaluf living on Chiloé Island and a study of specimens in the museums in Oslo, Norway; Goéteborg and Stockholm, Sweden; and the American Museum of Natural His- tory, New York. Published sources and archeological data are cited when these show that cultural changes or modifications have occurred. Since Cooper (1917, p. 185) published his list of source material, the most important contribution is by Gusinde, who visited the southern group in 1923. Gusinde has published in final form only his data on physical anthropology (1939), but in several articles (1924, 1925 a, b, c; 1926 a; 1927; 1928 b; 1929) he gives a great deal of basic infor- mation on social and religious culture. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The subsistence pattern.—The failure of modern agriculture to spread southward into the Chilean Archipelago, beyond the limits it reached in pre-Spanish days (i. e., the island of Chiloé, with sporadic efforts at cultivation in the Guaitecas), supports the con- tention that this limit is climatically determined. Thus, the com- plete lack of agriculture among the Alacaluf is no reflection on them. This forced dependence on natural products is perhaps in part responsible for the conservatism of the Alacaluf culture, for there is no marked difference in food habits and equipment between the past, as shown by midden contents, and the present. In addition to the native diet, the Indians now beg food scraps from passing vessels in the north, and they trade for flour in the south, but this yields only a minor portion of their food. Generally speaking, shellfish, sea lions, and marine birds are the staples, supplemented with porpoise, land game, fish, and a very small quantity of vegetable foods. No data are available on the proportions of meat to shellfish and fish, though it was observed that the possession of a good meat supply did not interrupt shellfish gathering. The whole Alacaluf pattern of life clearly follows the routine involved in the food quest, which significantly continues in its simplest, most elementary form. Small family units wander from place to place, never stopping long enough to exhaust completely the local shellfish supply. Established communities are unknown, and no clan system or chieftainship has evolved. Families come together only on rare occasions: for example, when they discover a Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 59 whale that is dead or is in landlocked waters where it can be killed; when they hunt the sea lions that are whelping at rookeries on some of the off-lying islands; or when a vessel is wrecked, an event which is sure to draw together all persons in the immediate vicinity. There seems to be little fixed seasonal migration at present, and the range of any one family is purely its own concern. In one instance, a family was encountered after a year within 40 miles of where it was first seen. Evidence of extended migration is shown by the presence of a northern man living among the southerners near Mujioz Gamero Bay, and by the discovery in 1932 of an Alacaluf hut near Rio Douglas, west of Navarino Island, over 200 miles outside Alacaluf territory. Perhaps in former times, with a larger popula- tion, some seasonal movements were necessary, but this is no longer the case. Today, the scarcity of otter and coypus, and a seeming fondness for change of scene, provide motives for wandering farther afield than the food quest demands. The equipment necessary to maintain life in this region is held to a minimum. A boat or canoe is an absolute essential. The average family carries fire rather than matches or other means of making it, poles for dislodging shellfish from rocks, a sea urchin and mussel spear, shellfish baskets, a harpoon and line, a bark bucket or tin pail, skins for covering huts, an ax, and an iron knife. They make other items of equipment when occasion demands, but usually discard them after use rather than carry them. This ac- counts in part for the discrepancies in the records of implements and weapons used, which was well demonstrated in the case of José Remulo. (See footnote 2, p. 56.) When shown a seal net, he did not recognize it, and had never seen or heard of one, yet his wife, children, and Alacaluf son-in-law all knew the correct name for it. In view of this, the description ‘of the present status of their material culture is difficult. As a check, Lothrop’s (1928) illustra- tions of implements and weapons were shown to Indians, both north and south. Most of the items were readily identified and named, but this still leaves a problem of interpretation. Are certain recog- nized objects now obsolete, or is their absence merely owing to the trait of making equipment only as circumstances demand? Shellfish gathering.—Shellfish are collected from three zones: the area between high and low water mark, the sea bottom between low water mark and a depth of 15 feet, and deeper water beyond. All available species of sufficient size are utilized. Limpets, Fissu- rella, small blue mussels, and chitons are common along the rocky shore between high and low water. In the north, Concholepas and purple whelk are sometimes used, but beyond the Gulf of Trinidad they are too rare to be important. If weather permits, women go 60 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn. 143 out daily at low tide to collect these species, dislodging them with only a wooden stick, and placing the shellfish in an open-mesh basket (pl. 28). As sandy beaches or mud flats are very rare in Alacaluf territory, such mollusks as clams are relatively unimportant. From the sea bottom below low water, the Alacaluf gather sea urchins (pl. 25), two species of large mussels (Alytilus ungulatus and M. magellanicus), and, more rarely, a giant barnacle. These are taken in depths of not over 12 to 14 feet (3.6 to 4.2 m.), with a shell- fish spear, used generally from a canoe by both men and women. In depths beyond reach of the spears, they are procured by swimmers, especially by women who are said to withstand the cold better. Hold- ing the handle of the loose-meshed basket in his teeth, the swimmer descends to the bottom to a maximum depth of perhaps 30 feet (9 m.), where he dislodges the shellfish with his hands. After a few dives in the cold water (annual range 40° to 50° F.), the chilled swimmer hurries home and practically sits on the fire. Hunting.—Sea lions are either harpooned or killed with improvised clubs at the places where they come ashore, or are taken with nets. Their rookeries are located in the less frequented districts, often in wave-cut caves. If the entrances are too low in the water for a man or canoe to enter, and if the approach is suitable, a net trap (fayet cha kal) will be set. This trap is made of sea lion skin thongs, and is roughly 50 inches (125 cm.) square, each mesh being 7 or 8 inches (18 or 20 cm.) square. It is loosely fastened with rush strands to a rough hoop of thin saplings. A harpoon line passed through the outer meshes is tied to form a running noose. Two poles hold the hoop and net under water in the entrance to the rookery. In at- tempting to get through the net, the sea lion breaks the rush fasten- ings so that the noose tightens about its body, generally back of the flippers, and it cannot escape. Campbell (1747, p. 57) states that in using net traps on land, one man holds the hoop while a companion frightens the sea lion into the net. When sea lions cannot be reached with a club, they are usually harpooned. The detachable point remains in the flesh, while the free end of the line is held by the hunter, or is snubbed around a canoe thwart. If not mortally wounded, the animal is gradually pulled in and beaten to death with a shellfish pole. The same harpoon is also used for porpoise, but, unless the hunter is provided with the special spear (pl. 30), there is danger of overturning the canoe. Otter and coypus are hunted almost entirely with dogs, which corner them in rock crevices, where they can be killed with poles. There is no record of taking otter with harpoons, and none of the skins seen had holes which might have been made by the harpoon points. Vo. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 61 The huemul, a small deer found on Wellington and Riesco Islands and portions of the mainland, is hunted with difficulty, but its bones are fairly common in both modern and ancient midden refuse. Gen- erally, the saw-tooth spear is used, or lacking this, a harpoon with its point tied to the handle by a short thong instead of the usual harpoon line. In the south around Skyring and Otway Sounds and on Tierra del Fuego, where the grasslands border Alacaluf territory, the natives formerly killed guanaco, using perhaps spears, harpoons, and even bows and arrows, and bolas. Birds, especially cormorants, form an important part of the diet. All species have the habit of gathering together at night and roosting on the ledges of small rocky islets. In late afternoon, two or three men go to an island and construct a small low shelter of sealskins or branches. They blacken their faces and hands with charcoal, and hide beneath the shelter until late at night when the birds are settled. They then creep out and catch one bird after another, carefully holding its head under its wing, the normal sleeping position, until they kill it by crushing the skull with their teeth. With care, they can capture nearly all of the roosting birds. One informant said that he and two other men had filled a canoe at one rock. Naturally, this procedure cannot be repeated too often at the same place. A second method, used also by the Yahgan, involves several canoes. Two parties land on a rock from opposite sides. One lights torches of dry twigs, while the other rushes at the birds shouting and making all possible noise. The birds run toward the light, where many are clubbed to death. Birds nesting on accessible rocky ledges are caught with pole snares (pl. 80), preferably on moonlight nights, but the commotion limits the take to a few birds. The same kind of snare is used to capture steamer ducks (pato vapor). These large flightless birds have so much curiosity that they will frequently approach an anchored boat to investigate any noise, provided they do not see people moving about. A hunter conceals himself on a low bank overhanging the water, his snare projecting from the branches. A soft whistling sound, produced by vibrating the tongue, attracts the ducks within reach of the snare. Penguins are most commonly captured when nesting in underground burrows. They can be taken with bare hands, but sticks are safer. Other data on the capture of birds are found in earlier sources. King (1839, p. 370) describes the taking of blue petrels: “having caught a small bird, they tie a string to its leg and put it into a hole where blue petrels lay eggs. Several old birds instantly fasten upon the 62 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 intruder and are drawn out with him by the string.” Fitz-Roy (1839, 2: 199) reported a snare trap, apparently for swans, in Obstruction Sound: “a neatly constructed small wigwam about two feet high, at the entrance of which was a platted rush noose, intended as a snare.” Coffin (Hanaford, 1867, p. 157) reported the use of live birds as decoys. One informant disclaimed killing parrots and white-breasted oyster- catchers, stating that to kill parrots would bring bad weather. For the other, he could only explain that it was not customary. The red- billed oystercatcher is, however, killed and eaten. Apparently all varieties of bird eggs are eaten without restrictions. Fishing.—None of the Indians seen in 1937 had fish lines, nets, or spears, but all immediately recognized the picture of a fishing line with slip noose for bait, shown by Lothrop (1928, fig. 88). As several individuals had braided sinew lines, they probably still use this fishing method at times. Notched stone sinkers are rare in the middens, and no fishhooks were used in any period. The lack of a hook is no handi- cap, as the fish living in the kelp beds will seize bait tied to the end of the cord and hold on long enough to be lifted out of the water. Coffin (Hanaford, 1867, p. 157) reported the use of a long, rough pole with a twisted grass line baited with mussels or pieces of fish. With this, fish were jerked into the boat. Fish, generally robalo, sometimes enter coves where the water shoals gradually toward the head. Men, women, and children, accompanied by dogs, wade, swim, and beat the water with sticks, driving the fish into the shallows where they can be caught with the hands or with harpoons and spears. The dogs are said to dive and swim beneath the surface in pursuit of the fish. Stone fish weirs are found in the shallow coves in Yahgan territory, but few were seen in the western channels, perhaps because suitable places are rare. Fish nets are apparently no longer used, although reported twice in the past (Marcel, 1892, p. 491; Byron, 1810, p. 76). Byron states that the net was held by two Indians, while the dogs “taking a large compass, dive after the fish, and drive them into the net.” Net sinkers have been found only with the late archeological material on Elizabeth Island and vicinity. Presumably, nets were never very common. The Yahgan took sardines with a special dip net or basket on the rare occasions when sea lions drove them into shallow water. A pic- ture of this basket was recognized by some A/lacaluf of both the north- ern and southern groups. Altogether, the evidence on fishing, including the relative scarcity of fish bones in the middens, suggests that fish were an unimportant food. Plant foods.—All species of berries found throughout Alacaluf territory are eaten, but it was noted that when other foods were abun- dant, the available berry supply was only partially utilized. The Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 63 Indians also eat fuchsia seed pods. Wild celery, which is generally available at all cld camp sites, is little used. The large-stemmed pangue (Gunnera chilensis) is available in limited quantities in the north. Though commonly eaten in Chiloé, the only record of its con- sumption among the Alacaluf is by Campbell (1747, p. 63), who states that they seem very fond of it. Food preparation and storage.—The Alacaluf live from day to day on available food. They store none because even carefully dried foodstuffs mildew in the great humidity. A surplus of seals or birds is kept unskinned in the huts until spoiled. There seem to be no fixed hours for eating. Generally, nothing is consumed until about 10 o’clock in the morning; whatever is on hand is eaten. When hungry during the day, each person, even very young children, roasts his own shellfish. In late afternoon or after dark, birds and meat are prepared without marked division of labor. All birds, even penguins, are plucked and cut up according to a fixed pattern: the outer wing joint is cut through and the flesh stripped in one piece from the other wing bones and from the breast. The legs are removed with all adjacent muscles. By this method, the pieces are quickly cooked on the coals, then tossed on the ground in front of the person for whom they are intended. Seal meat is laid on the coals in large chunks or roasted on the end of a stick; if no one is very hungry, it is thoroughly cooked. It is served in the same fashion as birds. Fish is roasted like meat. Sea urchins are the only species of shellfish commonly eaten raw. No utensils are used either to pre- pare or eat food; even White men’s utensils have not changed this custom. The only food taboo is relatively unimportant: if the first sea lion killed by a boy is small, the meat is not eaten by the people, but is given the dogs lest the boy have poor hunting luck, always killing small sea lions. DOMESTICATED ANIMALS There are no animals domesticated except the dog. These show little uniformity in marking or color, but are fairly uniform in size, standing about 18 inches (45 cm.) at the shoulder, and generally have coarse straight hair, long tails, and pointed ears (pl. 28). They are extremely hardy, and are practically self-sufficient, gathering much of their own food in the form of shellfish. From their masters, they receive but meager scraps of food and indifferent or cruel treat- ment. Children were observed twisting a dog’s legs just to hear him howl, yet the animals remain loyal and obedient. They are used in hunting otter, sea lions, and penguins when these are among rocks beyond the reach of clubs or spears. Under certain conditions, they are also used in gathering fish, a procedure described above, and in this demonstrate an unusual agility in the water. 64 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 Cooper (1917, pp. 185, 186) suggests that the canoe Indians in pre- Magellan times may have lacked dogs; this is supported by the lack of dog bones in all middens examined to date in both Alacaluf and Yahgan territory. The only other trace of domestication is the practice of keeping live steamer ducks until they are needed for food. ‘Though these ducks can be tamed, they are tied to the hut, where they can be protected from the dogs. HOUSES About 50 Alacaluf huts (aht ti pai) were seen between the Gulf of Pefias and the Strait of Magellan. Hut sizes vary with the extent of level ground available and the number of occupants. Of 24 measured, the smallest was 9 feet 2 inches by 6 feet 3 inches (3 m. by 2m.) ; the largest was 14 feet by 9 feet 6 inches (4.4m. by 3m.). Con- sidering the difficulty of finding open level places among the forest trees, the proportion of length to breadth is surprisingly constant. These huts have sometimes been described as circular, but all seen were oval, with the long axis at right angles to the entrance. The average length was 12 feet 814 inches (4 m.); the width 7 feet 714 inches (2.8 m.); the height 5 feet 1014 inches (1.8 m.). All were near protected landing places along the shore. The framework is made according to a definite system that varies slightly with the material available. In order of preference, ma- terials used are Fuchsia magellanica, the canela tree, and, at last choice, cypress (Libocedrus tetragona). Figure 10, a, shows the start of construction, the dotted line representing the intended out- line. Four poles are forced into the ground; the ends are then bent over and tied together to form two approximately parallel foundation arches 114 to 2 feet (45 to 61 cm.) apart. In one excellent example erected on open ground, the saplings were 1014 feet long (3 m.), the arches 20 inches (50 cm.) apart at the ground and 34 inches (85 cm.) at the top, the span 8 feet 9 inches (2.6 m.), and the height 6 feet 3 inches (2 m.). Three to nine (average, six) other poles forced into the ground along the sides of the floor are bent over and tied to the foundation hoops with pieces of rush, or, occasionally, are hooked under the hoops (fig. 10, 6). These all run approximately parallel with the long axis of the house. Three to six lighter saplings are placed outside these. Pairs from opposite sides are bent across the frame to form transverse arches, which are tied at one or two places to the longi- tudinal poles. The framework, which is strong and solid (fig. 10, ¢; pl. 27, bottom), is covered with sea lion skins, one hut seen having 131% separate skins. Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 65 Figure 10.—Alacaluf hut frame construction. Showing three progressive stages of building. 583486—46—_5 66 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. EB. Bun. 143 Lacking sufficient skins, either bark, sacking, grass, or ferns may be substituted. Holes are stopped with fern fronds (pl. 24, right), grass, or short branches. Entrances high enough for a person to crawl through are usually left on both sides between the two founda- tion hoops. Branches or fronds of the large fern (Blechnum magel- lanicum), are placed across the opening and spring back into posi- tion after a person has passed through. They keep out the wind and rain quite effectively. For this purpose, the Alacaluf will carry a bundle of fronds when moving camp. The fire is built in an oval hearth 2 by 3 feet (60 cm. by 90 cm.) in the center of the hut. Sometimes the humus beneath burns away, leaving a pit a foot deep (30.5 cm.), but fire pits are not intentionally dug. The roof covering above the fireplace is left quite loose so as to be moved back if the flames are too high. The family sit and sleep on a thin covering of small beech or tepu branches. With a good fire, these huts are comfortable and quite dry. Among the southern Alacaluf, one may now see circular tipis of light poles covered with skins, and canvas or sacks. These are identical with the modern Yahgan summer tipi, which may be their source. In erecting houses, men generally cut the poles and women place them. A larger hut is sometimes made for initiation (?) ceremonies. Skottsberg (1918, pp. 598-599) encountered one in Puerto Bueno that “was 12 meters long, 4 meters broad, 314 meters high” and apparently similar to the elliptical house but had more foundation arches. Another seen at Cuarenta Dias Bay by Sefior Remulo was 50 to 60 feet (15-18 m.) long and had six entrances. ‘The use of these structures will be described later. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Formerly, small skin mantles or capes and triangular skin pubic covers were worn. Today, all adults have some White man’s cloth- ing—cast-off garments secured from passing steamers and naval vessels. Children are generally naked. The Alacaluf have not learned to care for clothing, making no effort to alter or repair it. Ornaments consist only of strings of crudely made tubular bird- bone beads, a few perforated snail shells, and sections of calcareous marine-worm tubes (pl. 31, e). Small flat bone pendants are occa- sionally made. TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION All transportation is by water, land journeys being limited to short hunting trips. Today, all northern Alacaluf have dugout canoes, Vot. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 67 about 12 to 16 feet (4-5 m.) long, while many of the southern group have chalupas acquired in trade from the Whites. Both canoes and chalupas are rowed by both sexes while a man or woman steers with a paddle. Some have a small rough mast and a crude sail of sacking or canvas. All dugouts had coamings of driftwood planks roughly nailed to the gunwales and cleats. As no attempt is made to caulk the seams, these serve more to keep objects in the canoe than to keep water out. If planks are not available, pieces of sea lion skin, stiff- ened by being held over the fire until semiscorched, may be substi- tuted. Canoes are provided with oars, steering paddles, and a skin bailing cup. Historical records show that originally all the Alacaluf, like the Yahgan, used bark canoes. A small example in the Salesian Museum in Punta Arenas collected about 1904 is identical with the Yahgan canoe. It is made of three strips of beech bark, sewed with baleen strips, and is 12 feet 1 inch (4m.) long with a maximum beam of 2 feet 2 inches (67 cm.) and a depth inside the hull of 1 foot 8 inches (50 cm.). There are eight thwarts lashed on top of the gunwales, 10 to 15 inches (25-37 cm.) apart. Small narrow ribs split from a short-stemmed shrub are placed next to each other for the full length. In the latter half of the 18th century, plank boats patterned after the dalcas of Chiloé began to replace bark canoes. Knowledge of the latter survived as late as 1927, when one was in use near Mufioz Gamero Bay. During the 19th century, the plank boat was the most common type, finally disappearing from use about 1915 (pl. 30, top). Only two specimens, both collected by Skottsberg in Port Grappler, exist today. One is now in Stockholm, the other in Géteborg.2 Both are made of five planks, the middle one being roughly the same width throughout and bent upward at the bow and stern. Each plank is slightly hol- lowed inside; the bottom side has two straight parallel raised portions near the edges, projecting out far enough to protect the plank lashings when the boats are beached or portaged. The Chilotan dalca, judging from the only surviving fragment, has by contrast a flat elliptical bottom while the upper surface is much more curved in cross section. Moreover, the Chilotan specimen has drilled lashing holes whereas the Alacaluf example has rectangular holes cut with an iron chisel. This is significant, as there are no records of the Alacaluf using drills, and none occur in archeological material. The modern dugout canoe (pl. 29) appears to have spread to the Alacaluf from the Yahgan since the beginning of the present century. 3 Measurements and detailed description of these are filed in the American Museum of Natural History. 68 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 148 Both tribes, before using a canoe, heat it and increase the beam by forcing cross braces inside. The dugout was introduced to the Yahgan by one of their people who saw them being made in Rio de Janeiro (King, 1839, 2: 224), whence this practice may have come. One record reveals that when a canoe near San Pedro lighthouse was damaged beyond repair, two men with one ax completed a new one in a week, For communication, smoke signaling is commonly used. The smoke from leaves heaped on the fire in the hut will call back hunters or bring the nearest neighbors to the spot, but it is not known if any special signals are employed. MANUFACTURES Basketry and containers.—Both the northern and southern Alacaluf use many small, open-mesh, coiled baskets (pl. 31, 6) of rush made with a technique like that shown by Lothrop (1928, p. 189, fig. 65). The rush and the baskets have the same name (chep-pash). A storage and berry-gathering basket (dtai yo), made from the same rush (pl. 31, a), has the tightly coiled technique shown by Lothrop (1928, p. 135, fig. 61). This type was also made by both the Ona and Yahgan. The former called it and the rush “tai,” which may indicate that the Alacaluf learned its manufacture from the Ona. In making the tightly coiled baskets, the Alacaluf use a small deer-bone awl, which they also employ to make holes in leather and bark (pl. 31, /). Cylindrical water buckets are made of bark and sewn with either baleen or sections of vine (pl. 31, ¢). Large tin cans now sometimes serve the same purpose. Skin working.—The Alacaluf do not tan. They lash seal and otter skins to rectangular frames made of four sticks to dry them, the smoke in the huts effecting some unintentional curing. Skins to be used on canoes are held over a fire until hard. Stones.—Except for sinkers, the Alacaluf no longer make anything of stone, though they use unworked pieces as whetstones. The knowl- edge of pressure flaking of stone arrow points came late, apparently being acquired in the south. Wood.—Woodworking is mediocre. The rough work is done with an ax, the fine cutting with an iron knife. Knives, made from iron barrel hoops, are sharpened across the end like a chisel, and not on the sides. This has a definite prototype in the old mussel-shell knife, formerly a very important implement. The best of numerous pub- lished references to the use of mussel shells for cutting is by Francis Fletcher in 1578 (1652, p. 38). The large choro mussel shell is rubbed against a whetstone, which grinds away the thin brittle edge, making an extremely effective knife which is hard enough to cut bone. It is Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 69 also used as a chopping tool, the pointed, narrow portion near the hinge being broken away and the shell firmly lashed to a stone that is naturally oblong. Held in the hand, it is used like an adz, the stone providing the necessary weight. Paddles collected as late as 1907 show shallow fluted markings running transversely across the blade, such as would have been made by this tool. Both northern and south- ern groups retain knowledge of the shell knife and chopper, and per- haps still use them on occasion. Weapons and hunting equipment.—The shellfish pole (ayorki), an important implement, is a roughly cut section of sapling about 4.5 feet (1.3 m.) long and 2.5 inches (6 cm.) in diameter, generally slightly flattened along two sides of the lower end. The shellfish spear is made of a canelo sapling, with the bark left on. The lower end is split into quarters which are sharpened into prongs and wedged apart by two short sections of sticks; or else a section of harder, stronger wood, used to form the prongs, is lashed to a canelo handle 10 to 15 feet (3 to 4.5 m.) long (pl. 25). The club used for killing seals and for fighting is not always car- ried, for the ayorki will serve as a substitute. Skottsberg collected a hardwood club 2 feet (61 cm.) long. The sea lion harpoon (salta) is still used. The shaft, 7 to 9 feet (2 to 2.7 m.) long, is cut from a young canelo tree, “harpoon wood.” The bark is removed but the shaft retains its natural taper. The thick butt end is split to form a socket for the head and is whipped with a few turns of leather thong or braided sinew to prevent further splitting. The modern head is of whalebone with two barbs and a flattened tapered basal end expanding on both sides of the shank (pl. 81, h). The older form, still used in 1908 (pl. 31, g), had a single barb and a base that expanded only on one side of the shank (Skottsberg, 1913, p. 604). The harpoon line, carefully cut from male sea lion skin, is tied tightly to the shank of the harpoon point just forward of the expanded base, and is looped or hitched to the shaft back of the center of balance. The lines are up to 60 feet (18 m.) long. The spear, although well known and still used, is seldom seen (pl. 30, deft). Its shaft is like that of the harpoon, but the whalebone point (pl. 31, d) is not detachable. The longest point (3 ft. 734 in., or 1 m.) is in the Salesian Museum, Punta Arenas, Chile; it has 6 inches (15 cm.) of saw teeth beginning 21% feet (34 m.) back of the point. The usual length is about 18 inches (14 m.) but all have the saw-toothed barbs set well back from the tip. Yahgan fish spears differ from these in that the saw teeth begin at the tip. The Alacaluf form is good for killing porpoise, guanaco, and deer, and for fighting, but less useful for fish. It is presumably a late addition to Alacaluf culture, for the only specimen found in midden deposits came from 70 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Boxe. 148 Elizabeth Island (Bird, 1938); it differs from all other ethnological specimens in having offset barbs and side knobs on the butt. Bows and arrows are now obsolete, though remembered by both groups. Their greater frequency among the southern group and the increasing scarcity of evidence of pressure flaking of stone in middens toward the north indicate that bows and arrows came from the south at a late date. The form of the stone points, though not conclusive, suggests Yahgan influence. The damp climate must have made it difficult to keep bows and arrows in good condition and so it is not surprising that they never were very important. More significant, perhaps, is that knowledge of pressure flaking of stone came with this weapon. Slings were formerly common. Though remembered today, they appear not to be used. Bolas were sometimes used by the last generation of the southern group. Except for very rare surface finds, bolas weights do not occur archeologically in the western channels. On the other hand, the first canoe people, presumably AJlacaluf, took them into what was later Yahgan territory. A weapon definitely designed for use in open country was impractical in the channels. The bird snare is in common use today as in the past. It consists of a light pole 4 to 6 feet (1.2-1.8 m.) long with one or two stiff slip nooses split from a creeper (Campsidium chilense), or of baleen (pl. 80, bottom, right). Fire making.—Today nearly all Alacaluf use matches, though they are frequently without them. In the past, they are known to have made fire with a piece of pyrite and “flint.” As pyrite is very rare in the middens, it is very doubtful that all families had it. More probably, then, as today, they kept a fire burning continuously, even carrying it with them, and when this was extinguished by accident, borrowed new fire from neighbors. Both sexes gather fuel though only men were observed using axes. They seldom cut enough fuel to last all night, so that before dawn someone goes, with considerable grumbling, to get more. They prefer the wood of the tepu (Zepualia stipularis), a very excellent and readily combustible fuel, without which it would be difficult to start a fire in this excessively wet region. EXCHANGE AND DISTRIBUTION OF GOODS In the past there were few things, with the possible exception of pyrite, that any group could not secure for itself. Today, however, all are accustomed to barter and are beginning to show some firmness in demanding goods which are of practical use. As in the past, each family exists independently of others, making its own equipment. Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD “1 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Property and inheritance.—Property rights are not strict. An individual owns the tools and equipment he makes, but shares them with other members of the family, On one occasion, a man traded his wife’s bark bucket for a shirt while the women were absent from camp. Later, his wife was furious because he refused to give the shirt to her; he had no right to make this trade. Canoes and skin hut covers are family property. There are no territorial rights; evidently, anyone is free to come and go where he wishes. Abandoned hut frames may be used by anyone needing them. Some evidence of property rights appears at the time of death. (See p. 77.) Social organization.—There are, apparently, no clans or chieftain- ships. The families that live and hunt together are generally blood relations. The advice of the oldest individual may be asked, but is not always followed. WARFARE Fitz-Roy (1839, 2: 194) quotes Low’s report that crude spears, arrows, and clubs painted red were stuck into the ground around a roughly carved figure of wood as a declaration of war or as a warn- ing of attack. The custom survives today. In the south, a man once stole another man’s wife. The husband tried to get her back by force, but was beaten off by his competitor. He returned in the night with his brother and placed one red wooden replica of the tant-tarrh (pl. 30) at either end of the hut and behind it. Thus, having given a warning that he would try to kill the man, the latter’s rela- tives could not hold him accountable. The two brothers subsequently ambushed the rival and killed him with a spear. The woman was blamed and beaten. In 1920, a similar warning was given a party of Chilotans by some of the northern Alacaluf (Oyarztn, 1922, p. 167). The Alacaluf have, on insufficient evidence, been accused of canni- balism. They deny the practice, and, with two exceptions, no human bones were found in the middens. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—During childbirth, men leave the hut and some woman helps the mother, though a man may assist his wife if they are alone. A separate hut is sometimes made for the mother. The husband stands guard. He has red paint on his face, and on his right shoulder a string of white feathers similar to that shown by Loth- rop (1928, pl. 15, B) about his head, and a white kelp goose skin tied across his breast. (This decoration and costume are also used 72 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bun. 143 by the guard at initiation rites.) Such a guard at a birth was reported in 1828 (King, 1839, p. 315), and the custom is still practiced. The umbilical cord is cut with a choro shell knife, which, together with the placenta, hair from the mother and father, parrot feathers, and a live coal, is wrapped in a piece of skin and buried by the father beneath the “woman’s hut.” This practice has no explanation except that it is customary. The newborn baby is washed with sea water. After the birth of a first child, the father and mother may take nothing but water for 2 days. They deny that this is done for subsequent children. One informant stated that the father puts some of his hair into a small package, which the child wears. Gusinde (1925 b, p. 142) reports that the father wraps a section of the umbilical cord in leather and wears it around his neck for a few months after birth to insure the child’s well-being. Some informants say the child is named by the father; others say the mother. De- formed babies are not killed but are allowed to take their chances. Children are permitted to nurse as long as they want to, so that a mother may occasionally be seen feeding an older child as well as a new baby. Childhood.—Infants and small children, though shown consider- able affection, are not well attended. If, when learning to crawl, they fall into the fireplace, adults show them no sympathy. All children bear small scars left by such burns. <A baby sleeps close to its mother or in her arms and has no special cradle or garments. When the baby soils itself, the mother scrapes it with a mussel shell. She replaces any soiled twigs covering the sleeping place. When able to walk, a child receives little parental attention and soon is able to care for itself. Children, barely able to walk, were seen seeking mussels on the rocks immediately in front of the hut. With one or two clutched in their hands, they crawl back into the hut to roast and eat them. By the age of four, children cook nearly all the shellfish they consume, and begin to handle the shellfish spears. They spend hours in a canoe tied to the shore, hooking up sea urchins and mussels (pl. 25). Children are allowed to do as they please, but are probably pun- ished if their behavior conflicts with their parents’ wishes. Girls’ puberty.—At her first menstruation, a girl remains in a spe- cial hut, neither eating nor drinking. These restrictions are said to apply only to the first period. Initiation ceremonies.—Several White men have seen Alacaluf assembled for what were obviously special occasions. Whether these can properly be called initiation ceremonies is questionable. It is certain only that they occur when there is an abundance of provisions on hand. If a whale is obtained, smoke signals call together every- Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 73 body in the vicinity. A large house is made and the people stay to- gether as long as the whale meat lasts. A young Alacaluf who had lived just south of Puerto Bueno related that he had twice seen the big huts erected and had participated in the affair. On the first occasion, a dead whale had been found, and the shellfish poles were not painted in advance. ‘The second affair was planned beforehand by an older man and carried out in due course. Its duration, however, is uncertain; apparently it ter- minated when the food supply was exhausted. In preparation for a hunt at a sea lion rookery some distance away, they built a conical house in which to make clubs for killing the sea hons, and a new set of shellfish poles (ayorki) with which the women could procure food while the men were away. They painted the clubs white, with red spots on the heavier end, and the poles red on the handles, with red spots and bands on the lower portion. These were all set upright in the ground in a circle in the center of the hut. The night before the hunt, the men slept in this hut apart from the women, and sang. Be- fore leaving, they painted their faces, chests, and arms white, and a red stripe across the chest between the shoulders, so that the seals would not enter the water and escape. The hunters took one young boy with them, but no women. They found a cave full of sea lions, blocked the entrance, and harpooned and clubbed many animals. They cut out the bones but did not smoke or dry the meat. With canoes full of meat and green hides, they re- turned home, stopping when within calling distance of the camp, to shout a warning, “ahhhhh ha ha hoo,” whereupon the women went into the huts, covered the doorways with sealskins, and were not sup- posed to look out. When near the landing place, the young boy was thrown into the water and swam ashore. Avoiding the women’s huts, the men went to the conical house and were forbidden to look at or speak to the women. The boy, however, entered the women’s huts, described the trip to them, and remained there for the night, being forbidden to visit or speak with the men. It was jokingly explained that the boy was thrown into the water “so he would not look at the women.” Next morning, the ban was off. The women fetched the sealskins from the men’s hut to start preparing them. At night, the men and women slept together as usual in the regular huts. The women and girls spent the entire following day in canoes gathering shellfish, while the men and boys built the big house (yinchihaua). The house, like that described by Skottsberg, had four entrances and two fireplaces, but, unlike the Yahgan hut, the poles were unpainted. The men and boys moved into it that night, but the women and girls slept in the regular huts for all but one night of the gathering. The first night the men prepared the head 74 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. BuLy. 148 bands, which had to be made in the absence of the women. One of the head men burned a piece of seal meat, an unexplained action. From then on, the time was spent mainly in singing, some “dancing,” considerable horseplay, and a little story telling, while the candidates received instruction in making weapons and in what they should and should not do. There seem to be few fixed rules for procedure except in the manner in which certain participants painted themselves. Boys present for the first time wore a plain leather head band (Lothrop, 1928, fig. 90, A), but did not paint their faces. Those participating for the second time put horizontal red stripes across the upper lips, cheeks, and chins, with a red smear on their chests, and wore white kelp goose skin head bands. More experienced participants placed vertical red stripes on their faces with smudges of white and an inverted T on their foreheads, and white stripes on their cheeks. The women used no paint. In the morning, the men struck the first woman who looked into the big house. The women had to fetch drinking water, and the men seized the buckets of the first three (?) who passed them in the en- trances, and threw the water on them, after which the women and girls were allowed to enter freely. During the day, men and boys had the middle portion of the house, the women and girls the ends, the girls and boys sitting cross-legged along their respective sides. If they became tired and leaned over, the men struck them and made them sit up. A candidate who refused to obey was bound hand and foot. All cooking was done in the women’s house, though fires were kept burning in the big house. Like the Yahgan (p. 84), the Alacaluf drank through a bone tube, an unusual article, which is unknown archeologically, except in Yahgan territory. The women had to ask permission to leave the lodge to seek shellfish and to cook; the candi- dates asked to go out to relieve themselves, which they did only after dark. The men cut the firewood as usual. For amusement, a rounded piece of wood was hung from the roof, 18 to 24 inches (45 to 61 cm.) above the floor. When the last lines of the Whale Song were sung, this was struck with a short stick and made to swing, while the initiates seated along the walls tried to dodge it without moving from their position. An ordinary swing made with two thongs and a cross bar was also suspended from the house frame. All candidates had to bathe in the sea in the evening, even if it were cold. After the first bath, their chests were painted red, but were not scratched as among the Yahgan (p. 99). During the first days, whenever women were absent, the boys made small symbolic harpoons with painted shafts, similar to those shown by Lothrop (1928, pl. 9), and stood them against the wall behind their places. The shell- Vow. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 75 fish poles not in use stood against the walls at the ends of the lodge. If either fell over, it was a bad omen. At night, the older men danced, wearing the heron-plume head band (Lothrop, 1928, pl. 15, 4). Two or three performed at once, each more or less independent of the others. Boys with short white sticks were posted at the doorways to prevent the women, who were excluded from this performance, from seeing it. The candidates had to learn the Whale Song at night when alone with the men. Subsequently, the women were ordered to their huts, and a man, dressed and painted as when guarding a woman at child- birth, was stationed on the top of the big house. If anyone ap- proached, he shouted and beat the roof with a stick. Meanwhile, the men and boys inside put on their head bands and paint, according to rank and station, and began the first verse of the Whale Song: We sing up on the mountain, We put the chepana over our head and body, We enter the big house to paint the little poles, The buzzard is flying at the top of the sky. Today we will not go out, tomorrow we will not go out. This we command all. The men and boys now left the big house, leaving those who had painted their noses and cheeks inside, while certain initiates acted as guards to keep them from looking out. Two initiates with their hands tied behind their backs, one at each end of a harpoon line about 25 feet (7.6 m.) long, were led out by older men. This line was then stretched taut at the height of their hands and the men and boys gathered in a group around each initiate. Three women were called by name from the women’s huts, where all the women and girls were at the time. Accompanied by a special jumping song, they jumped together three times over the line and back, afterward running to the big hut. In groups of three, the remainder of the women and girls were called to jump. Those failing to clear the line were struck by a man wearing the heron chepana. The men and boys returned to the big house immediately after the jumping. At the conclusion of the singing, an old man and a boy had a mock wrestling match outside the big house. There were various songs about different animals and birds, some sung with the women, others sung by men and boys alone at night. As among the Yahgan (p. 104), at one point during the ceremony a man called “aak ai” went off in the woods and disguised himself as a spirit, painting black stripes down his face and his body solid black. He was naked, except for a white band with a black spot in the center of it and a white kelp goose skin tied across his chest. He carried a special club tied to his waist and began shouting, hu-hu, harrh, hu-hu, haarh. 76 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 148 while still out of sight in the forest. Hearing this, the people in the lodge beat the walls and shouted to drive him away. Women and girls seeing him cried, for he struck with his club those he could catch. After whooping and banging about for some time, he stopped his impersonation. Toward the end of the initiation, the women spent one day in the big house without eating or drinking, while the men and boys wearing their paint and head bands stayed in the women’s houses. Except for sing- ing, the women’s activities are not known. In the evening, the men and boys returned to the lodge, where the women remained that night with their heads lowered so as not to see what the men were doing, lest they be hit with a stick. This marked the end of the festival, and on the following day the group dispersed. There was no distribution of presents as at the close of the Yahgan initiation (p. 99). During this ceremony a large seal tooth and a small white stone were buried together to insure good weather. Additional data on ceremonies have been recorded by Gusinde ¢ from the southernmost Alacaluf at Mufioz Gamero. He uses “yin¢hihaua” to designate secret men’s rites performed in a conical hut by masked participants for the express purpose of frightening and subduing the women. Gusinde distinguishes this from a boys’ initiation ceremony, ka la kai, which is presumably the equivalent of the ceremony described above. It was held in the long oval hut. As this hut is called yinchi- haua throughout Alacaluf territory, it is curious that the term should apply here to distinct ghost rites. North of the Muiioz Gamero group, bark or skin masks are some- times used, but not in connection with the big oval house rites. Asa joke of no particular significance, a man may secretly mask and paint himself, hide in the woods, and try to frighten the women. The concentration among the southern Alacaluf of ghost rites, which are obviously closely related to the Ona kléketen (p. 104) and the Yahgan kina (p. 104), and the wider distribution of adolescent initia- tion ceremonies, similar to the Yahgan Giéxaus (p. 120), can be inter- preted to mean that the former diffused from the Ona whereas the Yahgan Géxaus and the Alacaluf yinchihaua (the initiation rites and festivities connected with the house of this name) are older elements among the canoe-using Indians. Marriage.—The Indians deny any restrictions prior to marriage. After marriage, husbands are likely to be jealous and may beat their wives for infidelity. Marriage involves no ceremony; a man and woman decide to live together, and the man moves in with the girl’s family. If they need more room after having children, they set up an independent household. There are no restrictions on sexual rela- ‘Summarized or referred to in various articles: Gusinde, 1925 a, pp. 50-60; 1926 a, pp. 287-312 ; 1929 d, pp. 344-348. Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD vii tions, except for 15° days of continence after childbirth. A widower may marry his dead wife’s sister, but not his brother’s widow. Polyg- amy is now rare, but is not forbidden; a man may marry two sisters or else a woman and her daughter by a former husband. Death observances.—After a death, everyone at the encampment paints his face black. All the deceased’s property is burned except the canoe, canoe equipment, and skins for covering the hut. A southern Alacaluf stated that immediately after a death, the men beat the out- side of the hut with sticks, shouting “ey-yah-yu-ma.” At a child’s but not at an adult’s death, baskets are thrown into the fire. The deceased, with the knees and hands against the chest, is wrapped in sealskins in assmalla bundle as possible. Disposal depends on the situation. In the south, the body is interred if possible, but in much of the western channel area, any hole cut through the tangled roots fills immediately with water, so that caves or protected places along the base of cliffs are sought or the body is hidden in the forest. Some meat and shell- fish of all available kinds are placed beside the body and live coals are put in a miniature hut built nearby. If the grave is at the base of a cliff, the rock above or near the body is smeared with red paint. After disposing of the body, the Alacaluf make a chepana, a braid of three leather thongs, about 5 feet (114 m.) long, which holds feathers of the carnecero hawk in each turn of a thong. They fasten the chepana across the top of the hut frame at right angles to its long axis and leave all of the deceased’s possessions in the hut, taking only the canoe and the hut cover. The next party to visit this place on seeing the chepana knows that a death has occurred. They are supposed to burn or otherwise de- stroy the hut frame and the objects in it. The newcomers will not camp here, and before going on must place a redbird snare pole upright in the ground to warn others that a death recently occurred and that the camp is not to be used. It is probably only immediate relatives who avoid the site permanently. Archeological evidence lends some support to verbal accounts. No grave goods accompany bodies found in the position described; a few shells of several species, bird and fish bones lie near them, and in the south a red smear was seen on a nearby rock. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—Crude lines sketched on bone pendants and paint applied to persons and objects during rites are the sole expressions of art. For- merly the Indians put some red paint on their weapons, but now rarely do so. 5 This figure should not be taken too seriously. See: Measurement of time and counting. 78 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 148 Games, amusement, and toys.—No games or children’s toys are reported, though swings of rawhide thongs with wooden cross bars are sometimes made. As far as observed, children content themselves with imitating their elders, occasionally making miniature huts, weapons, and baskets, and gathering a few shellfish and roasting them in the little huts. Music.—The Alacaluf have no musical instruments, and sing little or not at all except when the big house is erected. They like to listen to a phonograph, but of a wide variety of modern recordings they evinced real liking only for American Negro spirituals. Hearing these even for the first time, they hum and follow the tune quite well. Dances.—There are no good descriptions of dancing, which seems to be confined to the initiation (?) rites. Narcotics.—The Alacaluf had no native narcotics. They have ac- quired a fondness for tobacco, but cannot obtain it regularly. Drinks.—Leaves, twigs, and berries (?) of the wild currant (ibes magellanicum) placed in water and left for some days produce a drink called palpas, which is said to be intoxicating. This mixture, boiled, is called ow waf na. As boiling is foreign to their culture and is done in old tin cans, it is presumably a recent development. From the Whites the Alacaluf have acquired a fondness for alcoholic beverages, but none of the natives encountered in 1935-36 requested liquor. SHAMANISM AND CURING Data on medicine are meager. Canelo bark is said to be used as a laxative. From the leaves of Senecio candidans, poultices are made for rheumatism. Anyone may prepare these things, though a certain old man had unusual knowledge of this subject. Incantation, massage, and sucking are used in shamanistic curing (Gusinde, 1925 b, p. 145). There is some belief in witchcraft. Hair clippings are burned lest someone twist the hairs with sinew into thread and pound them be- tween stones, causing the person to whom the hair belonged to become thin, sicken, and die. Gusinde (1925 b, p. 142) also reports that hair scraps were buried or made into a wad and forced down a dog’s throat. There are no rules for camp sanitation. Excrement is found any- where in the vicinity of and even inside the hut. RELIGION Religious ideas are vague and conflicting and probably have been influenced by the White man. The confused data antedating Gusinde’s investigations, together with archeological evidence on treatment of the dead, clearly indicate some belief in spirits and in an existence after death. Vou. 1] THE ALACALUF—BIRD 79 Gusinde (1925 b, pp. 187-140) is convinced of the native origin of a clear-cut concept of a single supreme creator-god, Xolas, who resides in a celestial region but is concerned with the daily acts of mankind. At Xolas’ instigation, a soul enters the body of each newborn baby and remains there until death, when it rejoins him. Living in an unpleasant climate, where storms and gales constantly interfere with the search for food, the Alacaluf have various super- stitions about the weather. Beliefs which, with some variations, are common to both groups are the following: Bad weather is caused by throwing sand or small pebbles at the hut or into the water; by a flock of parrots flying overhead, especially if one looks at them or kills one (the Indians do not like to touch a parrot) ; by throwing shellfish into the fire and leaving them there (this also causes rough water); and by throwing empty shells over- board. The shells of the shellfish eaten when traveling by canoe are carefully saved, and must be placed on land above high water mark. ‘This isan old belief, for Byron nearly lost his life by violating the custom (Byron, 1810, p. 92). Ashes thrown on the water bring fair weather. If bad weather overtakes a canoe party, several eggs thrown in the sea will make it smooth; lacking eggs, old baskets may be burned. One northern Alacaluf claims to have seen a small baby thrown overboard at a time of extreme danger. If a snowstorm blows from the north, burning a handful of any kind of feathers will turn the snow to rain and cause a south wind, which brings fair weather in this region. To assure good, calm weather, the southern Alacaluf bury a large sea lion tooth with a small white stone, then dig them up the follow- ing “year,” 1. e., sometime later, and throw them in the sea. The northern group wraps a seal tooth and stone in a teal duck skin, to- gether with a bit of the duck’s meat, and two feathers from the wing or tail, digging them up and burning them the next “year.” All Alacaluf are extremely vague about units of time. Beyond “vesterday” and “tomorrow,” and “winter” and “summer,” they make little distinction. Even those who know Spanish have diffi- culty in correctly using our units of time. Their inability to count is partly to blame; most persons can count to five, five being synony- mous with “many.” Some, however, do not know the word for four. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bird, 1938; Borgatello, 1928 ; Bulkeley and Cummins, 1927; Byron, 1810; Camp- bell, 1747; Cooper, 1917; Fitz-Roy, 1889; Fletcher, 1652; Gusinde, 1924, 1925 a, 1925 b, 1925 c, 1926 a, 1927, 1928 b, 1929, 1937, 1939; Hanaford, 1867; King, 1839; Koppers, 1925 a; Lothrop, 1928; Marcel, 1892 ; Oyarzfin, 1922; Skottsberg, 1913. PLATE 23.—Alacaluf territory. Top: East side of Wellington Island. Typical of Western Channels, Bottom; Carlos IIi Island and Strait of Magellan. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) q sniuny Asoqno,)) ‘siny /njvovj)y Ul posn doy a5IVT “Yd “PURIST WOABUTTTO AA ‘OLY OLY ‘oUovS 4solOg /49/UAD “PURIS] OUBIIIg JO PUd YON </faT A410} 1140} JN[BOB] YW — "FZ ALVId PLATE 25.—Alacaluf children. Puerto Rio Frio, Wellington Island. Top: Gathering sea urchins. Bot- tom (left): Boy using sea urchin spear. Bottom (right): Removing sea urchin from spear. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 26.—Alacaluf camps. Top: Hut, Escape Ape Bottom: English Narrows. (Courtesy Junius ird.) PLATE 27.—Alacaluf huts. Top: Puerto Rio Frio. Rear view of hut. Bottom: Hut frame. At entrance to Iceberg Sound. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 28.—Alacaluf life. Top: Women going after shellfish. arrows. Bottom: Alacalu} dogs. Puerto Eden. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 29.—Alacaluf canoes. Top: Puerto Bueno. Bottom: Dugout canoes with planked gunwales at English Narrows. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) o E 30.—Alacaluf plank boats and implements. Top: ank boats at Strait of Magellan. (Courtesy Charles Townsend and American Museum of Natural His- tory.) Bottom (left): Tant-tarrh spear. Probably from Alacaluf of Magellan Strait. Boftom (center): Steering paddle, used in plank boat. Bottom (right): Bird pole snare. From Ese Reach. Scale at right, 40 em. long. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural His- tory.) PLATE 31.—Alacaluf artifacts. a,b, Coiled baskets; c, bark bucket; d, saw-tooth point for Tanttarrh spear, probably from Southern Alacaluf; e, necklace of marine worm tubes, from Puerto Eden; f, bone awl, 19 em. long, from Escape Reach; g, old type single-barb harpoon point, Wellington Island; h, 2 modern harpoon points from English Narrows. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History ) (Courtesy Junius n. Alacaluf me { Bottom: Top: Alacaluf women. PLATE 32.—Alacaluf Indian types. Bird.) THE YAHGAN By Joun M. Coorrr INTRODUCTION Natural environment.—The Yahgan habitat is archipelagic, the mountainous islands constituting the last outposts of the Andean chain before it dips beneath the sea at Cape Horn (map 1, No. 14; map 2). Atmospheric temperatures at sea level differ somewhat from locality to locality, with a summer mean around 50° F., a winter mean close to the freezing point, and a winter minimum around 10° F. Snowfalls not infrequently occur even in the summer months (pl. 35). Relatively very cold or very warm spells are usually of short duration. Sudden changes in temperature, in wind velocity, and in sunshine, cloudiness, and precipitation are character- istic. Violent squalls and strong gales are common. The islands up to about 1,500 feet altitude are heavily wooded, chiefly with beeches (Wothofagus betuloides and N. pumilio, ever- greens; WV. antarctica, deciduous), together with Winter’s bark (Drimys winter), “cypress” (Libocedrus tetragona), and lena dura (Maytenus magellanica). The forest floor is thickly covered with rotting and rotten fallen trunks, which with the thick spiny masses of barberry bushes (Berberis ilicifolia and B. buxifolia) and holly (Pernettya mucronata) make travel through the woods extremely slow and difficult. Foxes and rats, the land mammals that could have helped in the Yahgan dietary, were eschewed. Marine mam- mals, fish, and other sea food were abundant in most localities. As a result of the foregoing conditions, the Yahgan lived mostly on the water and along the shore line, penetrating inland very little. Territory.—In the last century and probably from much earlier times the Yahgan regularly occupied the southern coast of Tierra del Fuego Island from about the eastern end of Beagle Channel to Brecknock Peninsula, and the islands south of this line to Cape Horn. But they evidently wandered more widely; Yahgan house sites and implements have been found as far north as Elizabeth Island in the Strait of Magellan (Bird, 1938, p. 260). Between Good Success Bay and the eastern end of Beagle Channel, there was considerable 81 583486—46—_6 82 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 contact, barter, and intermarriage with the Ona, between Brecknock Peninsula and the western end of Beagle Channel, with the Alacaluf. Names and divisions.—The Yahgan called themselves Ydmana, “human beings.” They were first called Yahgan by the Rev. Thomas Bridges, from Yahga, the native name for the Murray Narrows re- gion, a locality much frequented by some of them. Ydmana would be preferable for anthropological use, but Yahgan is so well estab- lished in the literature that we are retaining it in the Handbook. The Yahgan recognized five subdivisions, each with its own aboriginal name: a southern, an eastern, a central, a western, and a southwestern (Koppers, 1927, p. 468; 1928 a, pp. 158-159; Gusinde, 1937, pp. 199-208; Lothrop, 1928, p. 120, map opp. p. 24). These subdivisions differed more dialectically than culturally. History of investigation.—The Yahgan were first visited and de- scribed by Jacques L’Hermite in 1624. The next important landmark was the Beagle expeditions under Admiral Robert Fitz-Roy in 1829- 32. It is, however, to the Rev. Thomas Bridges that we are indebted for our first intimate insight into Yahgan culture and linguistics. The Italo-Argentinian expedition in 1882 and the French Cape Horn expedition in 1882-83 made important advances in Yahgan somatology but were largely indebted to Bridges for their cultural and linguis- tic data. The field studies of Fathers Martin Gusinde in 1919-23 and Wilhelm Koppers in 1922 served to complete the picture, particularly as regards social and magico-religious life. Samuel K. Lothrop’s field study of 1924-25 (1928, 1932 a) rounded out our knowledge of Yahgan technology. The only remaining gap is that of archeology, a gap in part filled by Vignati and by Lothrop, and more recently by Junius Bird in 1932-37. The more valuable first-hand sources on the Yahgan from 1624 to 1917 are: Bove (1882, 1883: the two identical on culture) ; T. Bridges (1866, 1886, 1892, 1893) ; Dabbene (1911); Despard (1863); C. W. Furlong (1909, 1917 a) ; Hyades (1885) ; Hyades and Deniker (1891: of basic importance); Lovisato (1883, 1885); South American Mis- sionary Magazine (1854— ); Spegazzini (1882). The anthropolog- ical information given in these and the other sources up to 1917 is analyzed and made available in Cooper (1917). Since 1917, the most important contributions are: Lothrop (1928), for technology; Kop- pers (1924) and especially Gusinde (1937), for all phases of culture, particularly the social and religious ones; Von Hornbostel (1936), for music; T. Bridges (1933), for language and general culture; Vignati (1927) and Bird (1938), for archeology; Gusinde (1939), for physical anthropology. Gusinde’s exhaustive monograph, “Die Yamana” (1937), based mostly on his and Koppers’ field studies and in part on a thorough combing of the literature, gives nearly all that is known of Yahgan Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 83 culture. If this large and expensive monograph is not accessible, the following more important papers may be consulted : Gusinde (1921-22, 1924, 1925 a, 1925 c, 1926 a, 1926 c, 1927, 1928 b, 1929) ; Koppers (1925 a, 1925 b, 1926 a, 1926 b, 1927, 1928 a, 1928 b). For bibliographies of the Yahgan see: Cooper (1917), for sources, with comments on each, to 1917; Lothrop (1928), for sources from 1917 to 1928; Gusinde (1937), for selected and added sources, and for evaluations (pp. 48-161) of the publications of the more important first-hand observers. Language.—The Yahgan language with its five mutually intelli- gible dialects constitutes a distinct linguistic family, with no known relationship to any other. The elder Bridges’ Ydmana-English dic- tionary, the one completed in 1879, contains about 23,000 words, a carefully restricted, not a padded, list, as he himself emphasized (1988, p. xvii). Yahgan, in contrast to Ona, is markedly euphonic. There were no words for numerals beyond three, and none for fractions. Population.—According to our first dependable estimates, the Yahgan population, in the third quarter of the 19th century, totaled between 2,500 and 3,000 souls. In 1881 asharp decline set in. By 1884 numbers had dwindled to about 1,000; by 1886, to 400; by 1899, to 200; by 1902, to 130; by 1918, to less than 100; by 1933 to 40. The immediate causes of the sudden drop in the eighties were the respira- tory diseases and a severe outbreak of measles in 1884, followed by epi- demics of typhoid, whooping-cough, and smallpox. Syphilis does not appear to have played an important role. Contributory, or rather basic predisposing, factors were, it seems, the then introduced Euro- pean ways of life, especially the clothing, but also the food, alcoholic beverages, and type of shelter and work. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Foods.—The Yahgan had no domesticated plants, and no domesti- cated animals except the dog. Whether the earlier pre-Columbian and post-Columbian Yahgan had dogs is uncertain. No bones of dogs have been found in early archeological sites in Yahgan or other Fuegian territory. The earlier explorers——L’Hermite, 1624; d’Arqui- stade, 1715—make no mention of the dog in their descriptions of Yahgan culture, as none is made of it among the Alacaluf by the 15 accounts of them prior to Narbrough’s of 1670. The dog was first recorded among the Yahgan in 1823 by James Weddell; it is re- corded consistently thereafter by later observers (Cooper, 1917, pp. 186-187). Dogs were not eaten. 84 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 Lothrop (1928, p. 32) rated the relative importance in the Yahgan dietary of their foods as follows: (1) Easily of first importance, mussels; (2) next, seals, and fish of many kinds; (8) next, porpoises, gulls, and bird eggs; (4) then, whales, limpets, crabs, sea urchins, geese, penguins, cormorants; (5) last and least, otter (chiefly in the west), guanaco (only in the east), conchs, ducks, berries (especially wild black currants). The fungi eaten were those growing on trees; those growing on the ground were not eaten. Some wild celery and wild parsnips and two varieties of cress and young shoots of tussock grass were also eaten. Foxes were eaten only in famine as a last resort. Salt was not used. Hunting.—Seals were hunted with spear or harpoon from canoes or from land (pl. 36), or killed with clubs. Whales were occasionally hunted in the open sea with spear or harpoon; stranded or dead whales were eagerly exploited. Dogs helped in otter and fox hunting. Cormorants were taken at night by torchlight with clubs; also with a pronged wooden gorge hook. Birds were taken with pole snares (fig. 11, d) and with single or multiple tether snares of sinew or whalebone. No lifting pole snares, deadfalls, or pitfalls are reported. Fishing and sea-food gathering.— Mussels were gathered by hand; limpets, with a flat-ended stick; sea urchins, with a four-pronged wooden fork; crabs and other Crustacea, with a harpoon or a three-pronged stick. For taking sea food, the Yahgan also used a spear with two diverging shanks, or two to four spears lashed together. Women fished with a kelp-stem or braided whale-sinew line, that had a slipknot of whalebone or of quill at the end, instead of a hook, to hold the bait; slowly drawing the fish to the surface, they would grab it by hand. Fishhooks were probably lacking. Weirs of branches or stakes were used. True fish nets were absent. The near- est approach thereto was a small basket attached to the end of a pole and used as a sort of dip net for diminutive fish. Food storage.—Limited quantities of dried tree fungi were stored; so too was oil, especially whale and seal oil. Food preparation and eating.—Large mussel shells were used for melting fat and holding grease. Water was heated and grease melted by throwing hot stones into them, but there is no record of stone boiling proper. Shells of large mussels were sometimes used as plates; shells or bark buckets as cups; hollow bird bones or reeds as drinking tubes. CAMPS AND SHELTERS There were no permanent villages. Certain groups of natives re- lated apparently by blood and marriage frequented and occupied more or less fixed separate localities within the respective five sub- Vor. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 85 \] S 4 y 4 ioe a G d Ficure 11.—Yahgan harpoon and pole snare. a, Harpoon assembled for casting; b, cross section of harpoon shaft; c, position when dragging through water (length of harpoon head 10 in., or 25.5 em.) ; d, two views of bird snare (diameter of loop 6% in., or 16.5 cm.). (After Lothrop, 1928, figs. 82, 87.) divisional areas. Apart from initiation and other social or religious functions, which brought larger numbers together temporarily in a common camp, each biological family or small group of two or three families tended to camp apart, more frequently in the same shelter. The two chief forms of family shelter were the beehive hut and the conical hut. The beehive or domed hut, the more common form, especially in the west, was circular or elliptical in ground plan, made of a framework of flexible sticks bent over dome-shape and fastened together, and covered with grass, ferns, branches, bark, skins, or anything at hand (pl. 33, 6). The conical hut, more fre- 86 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun, 143 quently used toward the east, was tipi-form, with a framework of stiff stout saplings or tree trunks. The ground in the interior of the hut was often, but not always, scooped out, to a depth of 2, 3, or more feet (0.6 to 1 m.) beneath the outside ground level, and was usually covered with a little grass or some branches. The fire was made in the center. The huts had one door, facing the sea; or else two doors, one facing the sea, the other being opposite. Archeological stratification in the Yahgan area of Navarino Island shows an earlier culture with shelters like those still used by the Alacaluf, oval in ground plan, having two entrances, and without scooped-out pits; and a later one with circular shelters having one entrance, and with pits 12 to 18 feet (4 to 6 m.) in diameter, scooped out in some cases to a depth of more than 3 feet (1 m.) (Bird, 1938, p. 261). The two historic types of Yahgan wigwam, oval and circular, unpitted and pitted, may thus represent two chronologically distinct cultures. Larger and more substantial huts were built for initiation rites (q. v., infra) ; sometimes very small ones, for the use of children. The Yahgan also at times used caves or made a very rude shelter of a few branches tied together or stuck in the ground. At the time of Lothrop’s visit in 1924-25, practically all the then surviving Yahgan were accustomed to pass the winter months at Puerto Mejillones and Porto Piedra, on Navarino Island, in huts poorly constructed of ill-fitting boards (Lothrop, 1928, p. 188). Loth- rop (1928, p. 131) considers the use of the wing of a large bird for sweeping out the shelter to have probably been the result of missionary influence. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Clothing.—The chief garment, for men and women, was a small cape, of seal, sea-otter, or fox skin, sometimes of two or more skins sewn together—occasionally of bird skins—worn with the fur outside, covering the shoulder and breast or reaching to the waist, and held in place by a string across the chest. It was commonly shifted outdoors over the windward shoulder. Very frequently it was left off entirely. The women rarely if ever went without a small triangular pubic cover- ing of bird skin or hide, held in place by a string attached to each upper corner and encircling the waist (pl. 33, f). No head covering was worn. Usually the Yahgan went barefoot, but sometimes when traveling or hunting on land they wore rather crudely made moccasins (fig. 12), resembling closely the Ona ones in pattern, of sealskin, with the hair outside, and stuffed inside with grass (cf. Lothrop, 1928, p. 124, photo). The eastern Yahgan, when hunting guanaco in winter, sometimes wore guanaco skin leggings, like the Ona, from whom they Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 87 Figure 12.—Yahgan moccasin. (After Lothrop, 1928, fig. 46.) probably borrowed them. The Yahgan occasionally used a rude fingerless working glove of hide. The clothing of the Yahgan seems to us utterly inadequate, given the climatic conditions—temperatures commonly around and well below freezing point in winter, high winds, frequent snow, hail, sleet, and cold rain—but in view of the seeming role played in their decline by introduced European clothing and their relative good health prior thereto, perhaps their clothing was reasonably well adapted to the environment. Hairdressing and depilation.—The hair was worn loose, not in braids, and was often banged. Sometimes a sort of tonsure was worn. A sharp-edged mussel shell was used to cut the hair. For combing the hair, more commonly the jawbone of a porpoise or otter, or a toothed comb made of whalebone, was used; sometimes, a brush comb made of a bundle of roots (Outes and Bruch, 1910, p. 188) or of quills (Gusinde, 1937, p. 423). Depilation, with two mussel shells as tweezers, of all face and body hair was practically universal, for both sexes. Scarification.—Scarification was practiced as a mourning observy- ance and tattooing as an initiation rite (Gusinde, 1937, p. 863), but neither for ordinary decorative purposes. There was no head de- formation, no ear, lip, or septum piercing, no body mutilation of any other kind. Painting.—Smearing the head and body with grease or oil was as much protective as decorative. Face and body painting was com- mon, sometimes with use of a small spatula. Only three colors— red, black, and white—were used. Red was derived from burnt earth, black from charcoal, and white from clay. Red symbolized peace: 88 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 white, war and ritual; black, mourning. Designs were very simple, confined to lines, dots, and, less commonly, circles. Ornaments.—Personal adornments were: necklaces, of sections of bird leg bones strung on braided sinew, of strung punched shells (Photinula violacea), or of frapped hanks of braided sinew, often colored red; bone or shell pendants, sometimes attached to the neck- laces; and wristlets and anklets of sinew and hide. Feather diadems and bird-skin, feather, or down-ornamented fillets or forehead caps were also used. TRANSPORTATION Canoes.—Travel by the Yahgan was almost entirely by water. Their earlier sole form of watercraft was the built-up bark canoe, of a crescent or gondola shape that characterizes other craft well up the west coast of South America to Perti; the plank boat, the Araucanian dugout, the seal-hide float, and the double-ended reed balsa were absent (Lothrop, 1982 a, pp. 253-54). The Yahgan canoe (pls. 34, 35) was made of three strips of beech bark, one-half inch to more than an inch (1.2 to 2.5 cm.) thick, which ordinarily formed the bottom and two sides respectively. Average length was about 15 feet (5 m.), with a range from about 12 to 20 feet (4 to 7 m.); gunwale to gunwale width in center, about 3 feet (1 m.) ; depth in center, about 2 feet (0.6 m.). The bark, taken only from the evergreen beech (Nothofagus betuloides), was stripped off in the spring, when the sap was running. In removing the bark from the tree, the natives used a bone chisel or mussel-shell knife to cut it and a bone barking tool to strip it, and in ascending the tree held themselves thereto with a strong rawhide thong. After smoothing the bark on both sides with a small chisel, they cut it into three cigar- shaped pieces. These pieces were then sewn together with whale- bone or with shreddings of warmed saplings, the seams being wadded with the stringy seams of wild celery grass or with moss mixed with mud. The gunwales were next lashed on. The ribs, of split Winter’s bark, were then fitted in and locked in place under the gunwales. The thwarts, usually five or six, of hardwood, were inserted and lashed to the gunwale. The fireplace was set amidships. The paddle was in one piece with a long lanceolate blade and short round-section handle without cross- piece or other grip. The Yahgan canoe leaked much; the cylindrical bailers (pl. 33, ¢) were usually of bark or sealskin. Sealskin thongs and braided grass ropes were used as mooring lines. ‘The construction and repair of the canoe were the man’s task; but its management, in- cluding paddling and mooring off shore in a kelp bed, were the woman’s. In a sense, she was mistress of the canoe, with its hearth and ever- lighted fire. In a favorable wind a crude sail, made of a sealskin or Vot. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 89 of several skins sewn together, was sometimes set up—a practice whose origin, native or European, is uncertain. (Tor details on manu- facture and use of canoe, cf.: Lothrop, 1928, pp. 148-145; 1932 a, pp. 251-253; Gusinde, 1937, pp. 488-457.) After about 1880 the Yahgan began to give up their traditional bark canoes, and to adopt the dugout. Still later, prior to Lothrop’s visit in 1924-25, the dugout had been entirely superseded by the dory, of European type and origin. The Yahgan never adopted the plank boat from their Alacaluf neighbors and never used rafts or skin-covered watercraft, so far as our records reveal. MANUFACTURES Pottery, weaving, and metallurgy were entirely absent; no traces of pottery have been discovered archeologically in Yahgan territory. String-making and sewing.—Plant fibers, plain, shredded, or braided, were used in basket making, canoe sewing, and for mooring lines, respectively; braided whale sinew, for necklaces, fishing lines, and tool and weapon lashings; braided guanaco sinew, for bowstrings; whalebone, in sewing canoes and for bird snares and fishline nooses; seal-hide thongs, for tool and weapon lashings, harpoon lines, basket handles, mooring lines, and bowstrings. Awls were made of bone and wood, unhafted. The drill was lacking. Basketry.—Four techniques in basket making were in use: (1) Simple half-hitch coiled, the commonest type (fig. 138, top); (2) twisted half-hitch coiled, rarer (fig. 13, center); (3) knotted half- hitch coiled, not common (fig. 18, bottom) ; (4) a sort of wrapped type. The first three were of excellent craftsmanship; the last, very crudely woven, and used only as a dip net for catching very small fish. The material for all four was a rush (Juncus magellanicus). The coiled baskets were more or less oblong-spheroid in shape, and had a carrying handle of thong or plaited rush (p!. 33, c). Skin dressing.—No process of dressing proper is reported. Seal- skins were stretched on the ground, covered with grass and moss, and left so for a while, to help dehair them. Drying frames were appar- ently used. ‘The scraper consisted of a mussel shell lashed to a cylin- drical stone haft. The Yahgan made thongs flexible by drawing them through their teeth or by chewing them. Stoneworking.—Little use of worked stone was made except for arrowheads and, rarely, scrapers. The workmanship was crude. Archeologically, there are some traces of stone pecking and polishing (Lothrop, 1928, p. 203; ef. Bird, 1938). Containers.—Cylindrical buckets (pl. 38, e), of Wothofagus betuloides bark, for carrying and holding drinking water and for bailing, were made by the woman, with the use of a barking tool dif- 90 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 | 5S td be eB = 5 y J FicurRE 13.—Details of Yahgan coiled basketry. Top: Simple half-hitch coiling (height 1 in., or 2.5 cem.). Center: Twisted half-hitch coiling (height 1 in., or 2.5 em.). Bottom: Knotted half-hitch coiling (height 2 in., or 5em.). (After Lothrop, 1928, figs. 61, 63, 65.) Vot. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 91 ferent from the man’s. Among other more used containers were: pouches of seal or penguin skin for holding small objects; bladders or windpipes of seals or porpoises for holding ocher and firestones; crops of geese and stomachs of seals for holding oil. (Cf. others in Lothrop, 1928, p. 133.) Tools.—These have mostly been dealt with incidentally in the pre- ceding sections. The hafted mussel-shell scraper, mentioned above under “Skin dressing,” was also the common knife. Stone-headed daggers or knives were used by the earlier Yahgan (Cooper, 1917, p. 207). The stone celt or ax was lacking. Wedges were of bone; arrow polishers, of a bit of pumice. Weapons.—The characteristic weapons used by the Yahgan both in hunting and in fighting were the spear and harpoon (fig. 11, a-c), the club, and the sling. The bow and arrow, in contrast to Ona usage, occupied a very subordinate position. The spear shaft was quadrangular, hexagonal, octagonal, or dec- agonal in section, from 8 feet (2.5 m.) or less to 12 feet (4 m.) long; the shank, ordinarily of bone, with unilateral or bilateral single or serrate barbs and with notched tang, lashed to the split or slotted end of the shaft. The atlatl was absent. The harpoon, without toggle, was merely a spear with a detachable shank tied by a thong to the shaft. The club was a plain straight heavy stick. The cradle of the sling was of hide, the lines of braided whale gut. Yahgan bows, arrows, and quivers closely resembled those of the Ona—a curved self bow, ranging from about 3 to 4 feet long, with string of seal hide or of braided seal, whale, or guanaco sinew; the arrow, without foreshaft, and with triangular stemmed and barbed head of stone, bone, or, more recently, glass; the quiver, rectangular, of skin, or tubular, of bark. Arrow poisoning was absent. Both archeological and ethnological evidence suggests that the Yahgan most likely acquired the bow and arrow after their arrival in their historic habitat, from the Ona. (Cf. Bird, 1938, pp. 261-263; Cooper, 1917, pp. 211-213.) Fire making and illumination.—The only method of fire making was by percussion with flint and pyrites, bird down or dried fungus serving as tinder. Fire was carried around in the canoe on a hearth of earth, shell, or stones. Two-pronged tongs were in use. Bark torches provided illumination. Fire was employed not only for cook- ing, heating, and lighting, but also for signaling, straightening arrow and spear shafts, bending canoe ribs, felling trees, preparing bark for canoes and material for baskets, and other purposes. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE Marriage and the family.—The sexes were kept separate after about the age of 7 and were warned by their elders against sexual liber- 92 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. BuLu. 143 ties. Intercourse between the unmarried was disapproved, but breaches of the code were not infrequent. Marriage between blood relatives, however distant, was in theory taboo; in practice, the pro- hibition included half-siblings, uncle and niece, aunt and nephew, first cousins, both parallel and cross, and seemingly extended somewhat beyond these limits. Since near relatives commonly lived near one another, marriages tended to be locally exogamous. Marriages with mates from far distant localities, especially outside one’s own of the five dialectic groups, were disliked and infrequent. Marriage with a mother and her daughter was disapproved, but not so strongly as mar- riage with near blood-kin. Sponsors were barred from marrying their respective candidates of the iéxaus? initiation rite. Choice of mate was ordinarily free on the part both of the boy and of the girl, and appears to have been based largely on mutual affection and regard. Gifts from the groom to the bride’s father were given and expected, as were also certain services before and after marriage. But a bride-price as stipulated by or haggled for by the father was absent. Bride capture or stealing, if it occurred, must have been very rare. Boys and girls did not marry until they had passed through the required ¢iéxaus initiation. Gusinde (1937, p. 633) estimates the more common chronological ages of first marriages as about 17 to 19 years for boys, and 15 to 16 for girls. Monogamy was by far the most prevalent form of marriage. Poly- andry did not occur. Polygyny was permitted, but was uncommon. A few men had two wives, more commonly sisters; cases of three wives, if they occurred, must have been very rare. On the death of a man’s wife, he had a certain marriage claim to her unmarried sister. On the death of a woman’s husband, she frequently became, and under certain circumstances was expected or obliged to become, the wife of his oldest surviving brother, especially his unmarried brother, unless she married another man. This custom (the levirate) was, from the native point of view, primarily an obligation of the father’s brother to be responsi- ble for his nephews and nieces, a responsibility that lay on the uncle even though his brother’s widow married another man. A surviving married brother was not entirely free to marry the widow, as his own wife might object. The chief wedding rite consisted in painting the cheeks of the couple with three red parallel horizontal lines. These were worn and re- newed for a week, during which time there were feasting and dancing, and at the end of which the couple went off together in their own canoe. Customarily, they remained with the bride’s people for a few months, 1é has the sound of English ch, § of English sh. Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 93 after which they would usually go for good to the groom’s kin. Thus, localized groups of kin tended to be paternal. After marriage the husband’s paternal uncle and the wife’s ma- ternal aunt took particular interest in them, superseding in large measure their respective parents. Children-in-law were expected to look after their parents-in-law in sickness or other needs. Children- in-law observed a number of avoidances regarding their parents-in- law: greeting their parents-in-law, speaking to them or breaking in on their conversation with remarks, looking at them, and sitting down beside them were all taboo. When in the same hut with their parents-in-law, they turned their sides or backs on them. A year or so after marriage, the restrictions between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law were partly, but never wholly, relaxed; those between son-in-law and father-in-law lasted through life. On visits of the father-in-law to his daughter, he and his son-in-law communicated wishes and news through the daughter and wife or by indirect discourse. The man was, in theory, considered the head of the family, with authority to rule. Actually, his authority was very far from abso- lute, and the woman was largely her own mistress, particularly in such provinces of her own as child rearing, food gathering, and canoe managing. Some men domineered over their wives, but not a few husbands were under the thumbs of their spouses. Some hus- bands were cruel, but if so they ran afoul of the wife’s kin. More generally, woman’s position both in the family and in the community seemed a respected one, not that of a drudge, slave, or inferior being, and she enjoyed a fairly high degree of freedom and independence. Adultery was disapproved by the Yahgan code, but apparently the code suffered appreciable infringement in practice. Adultery on the wife’s part was, if discovered, punished by the husband with sound beatings, very rarely with death. Public opinion disapproved of her behavior. Adultery on the husband’s part also gave rise to domestic battles in which the husband sometimes suffered severe treatment at his offended wife’s hands. Jealousy on the part of both husband and wife was common. Wife lending was absent. There was no professional prostitution; a woman, married or unmarried, of markedly loose character was looked down upon. Separation and divorce were fairly frequent, but were not lightly resorted to. The most common cause appears to have been cruel treatment of the wife by the husband, though there were other causes such as marked laziness, negligence, or crabbedness on the part of the wife. In case the wife became incapacitated through illness or age, the man could, and, it seems, more commonly did, take to himself a 94 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Busy. 148 second wife. Desertion was more frequent on the man’s part than on the woman’s. The aged were, according to all dependable evidence, usually re- spected, well treated, and well cared for. Neither abandonment or killing of the aged was ordinarily practiced but may have occurred in exceptional cases. Political life——Over and above the biological family there was no closely organized larger group or constituted authority. There were no sibs, secret or other societies, or social classes, and no chiefs or ruling group or caste of any kind. Each biological family was for most practical purposes a sovereign political unit. The sense of individual independence was deep. No man took or brooked orders or dictation from any other. However, aggressive individuals of personal force and strength, especially if they had powerful kin backing, at times dominated. Older men of recognized intelligence and integrity exercised considerable moral influence. The next group to the biological family was the kinship group, mostly a paternal one. The members gave mutual aid where called for, particularly in feuds and in blood-revenge activities. The kin- ship group, owing to common patrilocal residence, was partly, but not fully localized. The five regional divisions of the Yahgan, each with its distinctive dialect, had very slight political significance. Members of one di- vision were usually chary of trespassing, at least for long, upon the territory of any other division, unless there were a recognized good cause, such as grave shortage of food, partaking of a stranded whale, trading, gathering canoe bark or fire-making materials. Each of the five dialectic regions was broken up into local groups, each of which appears to have been composed, mostly at least, of members related by blood or marriage (Koppers, 1926 b, p.5). Each such local group had its own territory—that of Ushuaia, for instance, occupied 20 miles (32 km.) of coast line on Beagle Channel—and its own name derived from its locality. Like the dialectic groups, these local groups had no chiefs. The local group’s chief function was that of holding the Ciéxaus initiation rite. The leader chosen therefor had authority only so long as the rite lasted. As the ciéxaus rite was an educational device contributing greatly to social conformity and solidarity, the local group’s political function was chiefly an indirect pedagogical one. Loyalty to fellow members of a local group existed, but was not as strong as that to one’s own kinship group. There was no organized process of judicial procedure. In case of murder, the victim’s kin took blood revenge on the murderer or his kin, or settled with him or them by composition. At times such kinship feuds led to a sort of pitched battle, in which slings, Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 95 clubs, fists, and so forth were used freely, with no holds barred, but grave wounds or deaths were uncommon. Organized warfare did not exist, and the Yahgan had no defensive weapons. The weapons used in their feuds were primarily made for, and adapted to, hunting. Social relations within and between the dialectic and local groups appear to have been normally irenic, but violence and bloodshed were not infrequent. The friends of fighting parties usually inter- vened, both by persuasion and by force, to restore peace. A murder was strongly condemned, and the murderer often became an outcast. Bridges found 22 cases of homicide between 1871 and 1884—an annual rate per population something like 10 times as high as that of the United States. Mercy killings occurred for the purpose of putting an end to the sufferings lof the hopelessly ill. Human sacrifice was unknown; so too was premeditated suicide. The evidence that the Yahgan practiced no form of cannibalism— gastronomic, famine, ritual, or other—is convincing beyond all reasonable doubt. They would not even eat animals suspected of devouring human flesh. ECONOMIC LIFE Ownership.—The Yahgan resented and avenged exploitative tres- pass upon their tribal territory or attempted occupation of any part thereof by non-Yahgan, Indian or White. So, too, did members of any one of the five dialectic groups (Gusinde, 1937, pp. 964-965) or, according to Koppers (1928 b, p. 176), of any one of the numerous local groups, by nonmembers. Since these local groups seemingly were chiefly kinship groups (cf. supra, Political Life), the Yahgan land-tenure system resembled the family-hunting-ground system. There was no exclusive tenure by kinship circles as such, by biological families, or by individuals. Members of one dialectic or local group could, however, exploit the territory of other groups to secure food in grave shortage, to feast on a stranded whale, and to gather firestones and suitable canoe bark, which were found only in certain parts of the Yahgan territory. Ownership of personal property, such as weapons, clothing, adorn- ments, and baskets, was vested in the individual. Women and children, as well as men, had well-recognized rights to such things. The ownership of certain other things—food, hut, canoe—appears to have been vested in the biological family. Food was looked upon as the property and gift of the Supreme Being; wasting it was disrespectful to Him. Title to personal property was acquired through occupation, iabor, donation, and barter. Barter took two forms: plain, or exchange of goods for goods; and by exchange of presents. There was no cur- 06 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buin. 143 rency of any kind, and no weights or measures. Barter was carried on among the Yahgan themselves, with the Ona and Alacaluf, and with the Whites. Barter by exchange of presents was common; a gift was made, regardless often of the wishes of the recipient, who could not refuse it without affronting the giver, and who was defi- nitely expected to give something in return. Inheritance played a very minor role. Much or most of the de- ceased’s property was burnt with the body. The person’s dog fell to the oldest son or other near relative or acquaintance. Some of the more valuable or useful property might be bartered or given away to distant persons. Such burning, bartering, and giving away were in- tended to take from sight what would cause sorrow to the surviviors by reminding them of the beloved departed, and to signify the survivors’ desire not to profit by the death. Stealing was considered decidedly reprehensible; but thefts actually occurred, even among their own people, not as daily matters, so to speak, but it would seem, not very uncommonly. A habitual thief, who failed to reform, was in the end boycotted—a severe punishment under Yahgan living conditions. Generous sharing of food with kin and friends was the rule. Hospi- tality was extended as a matter of course. Labor.—Neither wage nor slave labor existed. There was a little, but not much, labor in common. Each family was a relatively inde- pendent economic unit. ‘The division of labor was almost exclusively a sexual one, with no organized or unorganized craftsmen making their living by specialized trades. The man’s task was to hunt marine mammals, otter, guanaco, and birds, to make his own weapons, to build and repair the canoe, to do the harder work in hut building. The woman’s task was to care for the younger children, to cook, tend the fire and look after the hut generally, to paddle and have general management of the canoe in which the family spent so much of its time, to do all the skinwork and leatherwork, such as preparing skins, sewing clothing, and making skin bags and pouches, to make baskets, and, last but not least, to collect mussels, much of the fish and other sea food, eggs, fungi, and berries. Since mussels were the chief food resource, the woman’s part as provider was an extremely important one. Probably her crucial role as food provider had a good deal to do with her relatively high status in Yahgan society. Certain tasks fell to man and woman jointly, such as building the hut, and hunting from the canoe, when the man did the killing while the woman maneuvered the eraft. All in all, if we take into account Yahgan living conditions, although the list of women’s tasks is longer than that of the men’s, actually the sexual division of labor appears to have been a fairly equitable one. VoL. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER Q7 Nearly all work was done for hand-to-mouth existence. There was little concern for the future, and practically none for amassing wealth. ETIQUETTE Intimate friends, men or women, on meeting greeted each other with vigorous hugs and with wordless vocalizations of joy. When a guest entered a hut, he crouched by the fire without manifesting curiosity ; only after a while did he begin to talk and give the news, during which time he was not interrupted. Hospitality was generously given, especially to kin and friends. ‘The guest did not verbally express his thanks for the food received. If he were from a distant place, his host presented him with some gifts on his departure. <A person leaving the hut of a friend used the expression: “I will go.” On paying a visit it was proper, especially for women and children, to paint the face with a red or white streak or paint up otherwise. A graduate from the ¢iéxaus initiation rite on approaching his sponsor was expected to paint himself or herself; to go without such painting was disrespectful. It was bad form to show too much eagerness in eating; a gluttonous eater was looked downupon. Belching and expec- torating in the presence of others was not disapproved. Natural needs were attended to at a good distance from the hut. When several families came together to camp, the respective sexes kept more or less to themselves. A man would not enter a hut where a Woman was inside alone, and vice versa. It was very bad form to summon or address a person, even a child, by his or her own name. In conversation the names of others were not mentioned, roundabout descriptive phrases being used instead. The Yahgan had no expressions corresponding to our cursing or profanity. The foregoing were some of the more significant rules of Yahgan etiquette, details of which are given at length by Gusinde (1987, pp. 1006-1018). WARFARE AND CANNIBALISM These have been dealt with supra under Social and Political Life. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth and infancy.—There was clear awareness of the de- pendence of conception on coitus. Desire for children was marked. In some cases abortion—by mechanical, not medicinal, means—was resorted to by unmarried mothers. A badly deformed or defective newborn infant was allowed to die through neglect. Delivery took place inside the hut, the father going outside and leaving the mother with women assistants. Very shortly after birth, the mother bathed 583486—46——7 98 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bux. 143 herself and the infant in the sea, and the mother usually took sea baths for some days thereafter. For some time before and after a child’s birth the mother and father observed certain food and othér taboos. A form of couvade obtained, especially in the case of a first child, the father remaining quiet in the tent and abstaining from most work for some days while relatives and friends supplied the family with necessities. The placenta was burned; the navel cord, dried and kept. Marital relations were avoided for about 6 weeks or more after delivery. Weaning ordinarily took place after 10 to 15 months, but in some cases not until a good deal later. The child was commonly named after its birthplace. Education.—Corporal punishment was rare. Severer correction was ordinarily verbal, or else took the form of sending the child out of the hut for the day. A great deal of moralizing counsel was given the growing child by elders, counsel not always received with eager alertness by him, to judge from one of the instructions stressed in the initiation rite; viz, to listen attentively to what his elders told him even when the sermon was long drawn out. The sexes were kept separated after about the 7th year. Girls’ puberty observances.—At her first menses, the girl fasted, eating little or nothing, for 3 days. Both cheeks from the eyes down were painted with red radiating streaks. Older women gave her much moral counsel. On the 8th or 10th day she bathed and washed in the sea. At the end, a feast was given to all the members of the group. The ciéxaus initiation rite—This rite (Koppers, 1924, pp. 45-95; Gusinde, 1937, pp. 805-961), for both boys and girls together, and actively participated in by all their elders who had previously been initiated, was the most important native ceremony, the focal point, in a sense, of their religious life, a dynamic stay of social order and solidarity. It was likewise an intensive training course, constituting the climactic event in the native educational system. This initiation rite, the ¢ciéxaus, under the auspices, it seems, of the local group, rather than of the dialectic division or whole Yahgan tribe, was held not at stated seasons or intervals, but as need or oc- casion arose, yearly or more or less often than yearly. It could last from several days to several months. The candidates were boys and girls who had reached puberty. The chosen officers in charge of the rite were a leader, a mentor, and guards. A special large hut, of oval beehive or conical construc- tion, was used, with simple decorations in the way of red, white, and black painting on the framework inside and similarly painted oblong boards hung up. Each participant wore a special diademlike feather Vow. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 99 head band and had a special painted staff. To each candidate were assigned sponsors, one or two men and a woman to the boy, one or two women and a man to the girl. The candidates were subjected to certain endurance restrictions: little sleep, food, and drink, hard work, a daily bath in cold sea water, cross-legged posture during much of the time. They had to drink through a hollow bird bone. The boys were given a sort of tempo- rary tattoo. Much vocational instruction was given, and particularly an elaborate moral instruction in the native code, with very concrete counsels on the obligations of altruistic behavior, respect for the aged, peaceableness, industry, not spreading scandals or carrying tales, and so forth. This moral instruction was given by the mentor, sponsors, and other elders, as the will of Watauinéwa, the Supreme Being, who saw everything and who would punish delinquents with shortened life and with the death of their children. Yetdita also, the chief evil spirit, would harm them if they did wrong. The ritual consisted otherwise mostly of dances and of songs peculiar to it. Toward the end, the sponsors gave each candidate a basket, a bird-bone drinking tube, and a scratching-stick. The rite ended with a mock battle between the men and women, and with a feast. Only those who had gone through the ¢ciéxaus rite were considered full-fledged members of the tribe, and were told the whole mytho- logical complex of the Yoalox brothers and their sister. And only twice-initiated boys could take part in the kina rite (cf. infra under Religion), whith was often held just after the ¢iéxaus. Death and burial——Mourning was expressed by fasting, body painting, gashing of the breast with sharp stones, and a special mourning dirge accompanied by a mourning speech. Angry com- plaints were directed to Watauinéwa for letting the person die. A general mourning rite in which the men and women painted them- selves, wept, hurled complaints at Watauinéwa, and engaged in a mock battle, the men with clubs and the women with paddles, was also held. The more common form of disposal of the body, up until recent times, was cremation—lest foxes, rats, or dogs should eat the body, so the natives said. The dead person’s personal property, or some of it, was burned with the body. In some cases, especially of children, the body was buried inakitchen-midden. The burial spot was avoided as a camping place, for several years where the deceased was an adult. The name of the dead was never spoken. Future life——The koshpik (késpix), or soul, flew east, but exactly whither was not known. Nor was it known what its fate was, happy or unhappy, nor whether such fate was at all dependent on moral behavior on earth. 100 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bure. 143 ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES A great deal of Yahgan recreation was incidental to the initia- tion and other rites and through the feasting and social activities that accompanied set events such as marriages, or chance meetings of families at camps, or larger gatherings of longer duration occasioned by treasure trove in the shape of stranded whale. In connection with some of even the more solemn rites there were intervals of free play releasing tensions developed during the more serious phases of the rites. Narcotics were totally lacking. No alcoholic or other intoxicating beverages were made or used by the Yahgan before their contact with the Whites. Nor was tobacco grown or in any form used. Art.—There was no form of sculpture or of carving in wood. The only designs, if they can be called such, were the lines, dots, and circles used in face and body painting and in the ornamentation of lodges and paraphernalia in connection with the major rites (fig. 14). There was a certain crude artistry in bodily decorations and in the personal adornments referred to elsewhere in the present paper. All in all, there are few if any peoples in the world that possessed a more rudimentary esthetic development than the Yahgan and their neighbors, the Alacaluf and Ona. Games and sports.—There was no gambling, no games with elabo- rate rules, no team games unless group wrestling could be called such, and no competitive games except wrestling. Boys practiced with the spear, bow and arrow, and sling, and at stone throwing, but this was as much vocational as recreative activity. There were certain quite simple children’s play activities, such as swinging, rolling down hillocks, endurance hopping on one foot, and group play such as tcenaldra, in which boys and girls crouched in a line one behind the other, sang together a melody in which the meaningless word “tcenalora” was repeated, and slowly danced rocking back and forth in imitation of a canoe making its way forward through the waves. Songs sung on one long meaningless word were common accompaniments of children’s group play. All the women could swim; the men could not. Recreative swim- ming was rarely indulged in. Adults’ games, in some of which the children could participate, were equally simple. Such were: blindman’s-buff, hopping and sing- ing at the same time, throwing small burning sticks in the air, standing in a circle through which “it” in the middle tried to break. The ball game was popular: A ball made of seal gut stuffed with feathers or grass was kept in the air by the players with strokes from the palm of the hand. Men and women might play the ball game together. eee, if 5 } u V Eee S/ack [pared White I Yellow FieurE 14.—Yahgan decorative patterns. From the painted frame of a ceremonial lodge. (Redrawn from Lothrop, 1928, pl. 9.) Wrestling was indulged in a good deal, mostly by the men, although the women would sometimes intervene in the group wrestling. In pair wrestling, a man challenged an opponent by putting a small ball at his feet. The onlookers formed a circle around the contestants and applauded vigorously. The aim was to put the opponent on his back. 102 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 The loser would call upon a friend who would in turn challenge the victor who had no choice but to accept. Before the wrestling match began the wrestlers were magically massaged by the medicine man. Sometimes these single matches developed into a free-for-all wrestling match in which several or all of the men would join. Sometimes, too, these general wrestling bouts ended in a serious scufile. Music.—Proverbs were absent. So, too, was poetry; the nearest approach to it was the meaningless words or syllables having a certain rhythm which occur in songs. The songs themselves were extremely simple and monotonous with or without meaningless words. The Fahgan had many songs, sung for special occasions such as the ¢iéxaus and mourning rites; others intoned ad libitum. There were no lulla- bies. Yahgan songs show sundry very primitive features, according to von Hornbostel (1936). There were no musical instruments at all. Even the rattle, drum, and flute were absent. Staves with which to beat time were used in certain rites. Dances.—Apart from the dances carried out during the chiéxaus and kina rites, there were none of a symbolic, imitative, or dramatic type, and no war or hunting dances. The Yahgan danced alone, in circles or in Indian file. The women rarely danced, and the men and women never together. RELIGION Most of the religious life of the Yahgan centered around theism and shamanism. There was a distinct fear of the dead; there were also the mourning observances previously noted; the souls of dead shamans entered into the beliefs and practices of the medicine men. But no organized ancestral cult existed, and the dead were not prayed to. Animistic beings and observances appeared marginal to the theistic cult and focal in shamanism. There were a number of mis- cellaneous magico-religious conceptions and observations. Each Yahgan had a yefatel, as a sort of guardian spirit. Various omens were believed in: for instance, the call of the owl was supposed to portend a murder or at least a death. A number, too, of taboos were observed: for instance, when traveling by canoe people had to throw waste into the fire kept burning in the canoe, and not into the water, lest the children should cry. There does not appear to have been any form of divination. The kina rite, to be described, had religious features to it, but its purpose and function were primarily social. The great bulk, therefore, of Yahgan religion having been taken up with theism and shamanism, in summarizing Yahgan theistic and shaman- istic phenomena, we shall be summarizing Yahgan religion as such, Theism.—There was a very definite belief in a Supreme Being called Watauinéwa or Watauinéiwa, who was also called by other Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN——COOPER 103 names meaning “The Powerful One,” “The Highest One,” and espe- cially by the name of “My Father.” He was not the maker or creator, but rather the master and ruler. He was the owner and giver of animals and plant food. It was he who gave life to human beings, and who took it away. He was fundamentally good and benevolent. He lived above in the heavens. He had no body nor had he wife or children. He was distinctly and eminently set off against and above all other spirits, good and bad, and in this sense stood as it were alone. He did not enter into the tribal folklore and mythology. He saw what human beings did, and upon those who broke the precepts of the Yahgan socio-moral code, which represented his will, he inflicted punishment in the way of early death, and often the death of their children. The central role of Watauinéwa in the initiation rites has previously been mentioned. Apart, however, from these rites, Watauinéwa was prayed to a great deal by the individual Yahgan. ‘These prayers were mostly petitions to him for food (as the owner of the food animals and plants), for cure and health, and for protection from the elements, as well as expressions of thankfulness. A good many of them were more or less traditionally crystallized formulae, of a few words each, but prayer was likewise expressed in free wording. A quite dis- tinctive feature of Yahgan communication with the Supreme Being was the frequency of complaint expressions and charges directed toward him on the occasion of sickness, bad weather, or other evil fortune, and particularly on the occasion of deaths. Gusinde and Koppers collected over 60 of these various kinds of prayer formulae. Some of them are in somewhat archaic language. In view of these archaisms in the complex, of the many distinctly native features (e. g., master, owner, not creator or maker), of the absence of all characteristically European or Christian conceptions, and of the express and emphatic statements by the natives whose memories or whose knowledge from their elders reached back to pre- missionary days, there can be no reasonable question but that Yahgan theism is aboriginal, and not the result of missionary influence. It seems equally clear that it was central in the religious outlook of the Yahgan and that it entered deeply and dynamically in their thoughts, emotional life, and personal behavior. Shamanism.—A_ person became a medicine man (yékamush) through an inner call manifested to him in dreams and visions. The héshteka-yékamush, dwarfish spirits, appeared to him; a female spirit, a Haucéllakipa, also played an important part in shamanism, as the shaman’s helper. Through the dreams and visions the future medicine man learned which of the small spirits was to be his yefaéel, or particular guardian spirit. From this spirit he also received a song. 104. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 143 He was trained in his professional duties by an older shaman. There was also held a shamans’ institute and feast, which could last several months, to condition and school young candidates. During it, the candidates were secluded, and were required to fast, to sing much, to maintain a certain posture, to go with little sleep, and to drink water only through a hollow bird bone; and were taught heal- ing techniques, tricks of the trade, and so forth. Women were barred from this shamans’ school. Shamans were not banded into an or- ganized society. A full-fledged shaman, besides getting help from his special guard- jan spirit, was also in close touch with the spirit of a deceased shaman. The shaman’s relations were with the world of lesser spirits, not with the Supreme Being, Watauinéwa; and the latter did not figure in the shamans’ school. The shaman’s chief function was that of curing the sick, but he also influenced weather, helped in hunting, prognosticated, and so forth. The familiar procedures of massage, friction, and anointing, with the extraction of some object supposed to be the immediate cause of the disease, were used in curing. Such objects were often believed to have been sent by malevolent shamans from whose power the good shaman endeavored to deliver the victim. An evil shaman could steal and keep in his possession the soul of a victim, and the victim would die unless his soul were freed by another shaman. It was also the function of the shaman to assign to each infant as soon after birth as possible its own yefacel, a male one to the male infant and a female one to the female. It was the primary and most important duty of the yefaéel to protect its charge against sickness and bodily harm and against dangers of all kind. Kina rite——This Yahgan institution, with its numerous analogies to the yinchihaua of the Alacaluf (p. 76) and with the kloketen of the Ona (p. 120), could have been properly discussed under Social Culture because it had primarily a social function. But it is treated here be- cause it also had important religious or pseudo-religious features and was largely under the direction of the shamans. In fact only a shaman could be the leader of the kina rite. Back of the kina rite was a long myth of an earlier time when the women held mastery of the tribe and lorded it over the men. To maintain their supremacy the women used masks to impersonate spirits and to hoodwink the men. Finally, one man discovered the deception, told the other men, and overthrew the women, killing all females except one very young child. In the kina rite only men who had passed twice through the ¢iéxaus rite could take part. Women were kept away from the large conical tent. The men secretly painted themselves and wore conical or conoidal masks (pl. 383, d) of bark or sealskin to impersonate a very great number Vou. 1] THE YAHGAN—COOPER 105 of spirits (pl. 33,a). So decked out, they sang and danced in the sight of the women and children and threatened the women with dire penalties if they did not remain submissive to the will of the men. MYTHOLOGY Full details on the cosmogony and mythology of the Yahgan have been presented by Gusinde (1937, pp. 1189-1277), with further in- formation on certain of the more important folklore beings (1987, pp. 1278-1294). Perhaps the most important single phase of the mythology is the Yoalox cycle. The elder of the two Yoalox brothers was stupid, the younger, clever. The younger is in a general sense the culture hero. He is not a trickster. The cosmogonic myths include a flood story. There are a great many explanatory tales of the cor- morant, the otter, the fox, and so forth. A number of other stories were told with the moral purpose of instructing and warning the young. Certain others concern the medicine man. The long story of the earlier matriarchate was briefly summarized supra under Kina rite with which it was associated, just as the Yoalox cycle was more or less associated with the ¢iéxaus. The chief folklore beings believed in, but to whom no cult was given, were the dreaded cannibal beings, the Laktiima water spirits, and the Hannush giants. LORE AND LEARNING In general, Yahgan technology, with the exception of the bark canoe and coiled basketry, gives little indication of inventive strivings. Thus they stand in sharp contrast with their Arctic counterparts, the Eskimo. A comparison for instance between the very simple Yah- gan harpoons and the very elaborate Eskimo ones shows the sharpest contrast. In this respect Yahgan culture resembles more closely the culture of the northern Athabaskan and northern Algonquians of sub- Arctic America. There were no weights and measures of any kind. There were no means of communication such as knotted cords, notched sticks, or, so far as our records go, of travelers’ signs, such as the inclined stick to show direction of journey. Smoke signals were made by putting branches of Nothofagus betuloides on the fire and, when the dense smoke had risen about 16 feet (5 m.) high, quickly extinguishing the fire, allowing a balloonlike cloud of smoke to ascend. One such smoke signal signified sickness or an accident; two, a grave emergency; three, a death; four, the discovery of a stranded whale. The day was divided into periods of about 4 hours each. The year was divided into four seasons corresponding roughly to our own, and also into eight divisions: “the time when the bark is loose,” “when the first bird eggs were found,” and so forth. 106 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 1438 There was almost nothing in the way of herbal curatives, unless the chewing of the leaves of Drimys winteri as a purgative and for cardiac and stomach pains could be considered such. Sap from the broken end of a beech branch was swallowed for certain ailments. Other simple remedial measures employed were drinking oil, rub- bing the body with it, massaging with Drimys winteri leaves, drink- ing sea water, covering with robes and sweating near the fire. Chalk dust was smeared on for skin eruptions. To cure headache, the nasal passages were scratched to bring about nosebleed. BIBLIOGRAPHY For bibliographic references, see pages 82-83. THE ONA By Joun M. Coorrr NATURAL ENVIRONMENT The large island of Tierra del Fuego, the habitat of the Ona, is roughly triangular in form, about 240 miles east to west on its south- ern coast, and about 170 miles north to south from apex to base. The northern and eastern sections of the island are low-lying rolling prairie country; the southern and western parts are mountainous. Climate approximates closely that of the country of the Yahgan (p. 81); so, too, does the flora of the forested section of the island. The open plains section to the north and east is covered with only grass and bushes. South of the Rio Grande and Rio del Fuego small clumps of trees appear and gradually increase in size, height, and area until they become solid forest. The land animals most exploited by the Ona are the guanaco (Lama glama guanicoe), the fox (Dusz- cyon culpaeus lycoides: Cabrera and Yepes, 1940, p. 127), and the tuco tuco or cururo (Ctenomys magellanicus fueginus). The puma and rhea of Patagonia are not found on Tierra del Fuego Island. The Ona were primarily hunters of land mammals, above all of the guanaco, and were distinctly a land people, whence their common name, “Foot Indians,” as distinguished from the “Canoe Indians,” viz, the Yahgan and Alacaluf. TERRITORY The Ona occupied the whole of the island of Tierra del Fuego (map 1, Vo. 1A; map 2), except the shores of Useless Bay and Ad- miralty Sound, which, intermittently at least, were frequented by the Alacaluf, and the strip of land between Beagle Channel and the mountain range paralleling it, which was inhabited by the Yahgan. The Ona were in contact with the Alacaluf in the western part of the island, probably crossing at times to Dawson Island. They were like- wise in contact with the Yahgan between Beagle Channel and Good Success Bay, trading and intermarrying to a certain extent with them. There is also some good evidence that, in spite of their reported lack of watercraft, the far northern Ona were in sporadic touch with the Tehuelche of the mainland. (Cf. Patagonian and Pampean Hunters, Tribes, p. 131.) 107 108 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Buin. 143 TRIBAL DIVISIONS The name Ona (O’ona, Aona, Aoniks, Oens) is the one by which they were known to the Yahgan, and probably means in Yahgan “north” (Cooper, 1917, p. 48). Although this is not the name by which the Ona call themselves, we use it in the present paper in view of its long acclimatization in anthropological literature. Further- more, there appears to be no Ona name for all divisions of the Ona (pl. 38, top, left). The Ona were divided into two main groups who called them- selves respectively Haush and Shelknam. The Haush (Haus and other variants), who also called themselves Manekenkn (Manckenkn and other variants), occupied the Peninsula Mitre at the extreme southeastern corner of Tierra del Fuego Island. They may earlier have occupied a larger territory and may represent an earlier migra- tion from the Patagonian mainland. They were distinct dialectically and to a certain degree culturally from the Shelknam. The Shelk- nam (Selk’nam and many variants) were divided into a northern and a southern group. The northern group occupied the treeless prairies north of the Rio del Fuego and Rio Grande; the southern group, the parkland and forest region south of this line. The two groups differed somewhat both dialectically and culturally and were not on the best of terms. Throughout the present paper we shall use the term Ona to include both the Haush and the Shelknam; the terms Haush, Shelknam, Northern Shelknam, and Southern Shelknam to denote these respective divisions and subdivisions. LANGUAGH A Shelknam could understand a Haush but only with a good deal of difficulty. The dialects of the Northern and Southern Shelknam differed very slightly. In contrast to Yahgan, Ona is characterized by explosives and gutturals. Ona is rather closely related to Tehuelche, with which it forms the 7'shon family. POPULATION Earlier estimates from the last quarter of the last century put the Ona population at about 2,000. From the eighties on, the scant records show a sharp decrease. Around 1910 there were about 300 survivors; in 1919, 279; in the middle twenties, well under 100; at present, probably well under 50. In 1919-23 the only surviving Haush were two old women (Gusinde, 1939, p. 6); in 1926, Tonelli (1926, p. 8) knew of only one living Haush. The factors responsible for this decrease were many. Gold seekers and sheep ranchers invaded Ona territory around the early eighties of the last century. These movements led to a bitter campaign on Vor. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 109 the part of the Whites to exterminate the Ona. Feuds among the Ona themselves took their toll of lives. Respiratory diseases and epidemics of smallpox and measles also played their part. European clothing, food, shelter, and work habits contributed, as among the Yahgan. HISTORY OF INVESTIGATION The Ona were first seen by Sarmiento in 1580; later, by the Nodals in 1619, by perhaps one of L’Hermite’s officers in 1624, by Labbe in 1711, by members of the first and second Cook expeditions in 1769 and 1774, and by several other voyagers in the early 19th century. These observers, however, left very meager records. The real study of the Ona dates from 1875, when they were first encountered by Thomas Bridges. Important progress was made in the fields of Ona culture and language only after the beginning of the present century, thanks above all to Lucas and William Bridges, sons of Thomas Bridges; to the Salesian fathers, especially Zenone and Borgatello; and to the field studies of Gusinde in 1919-23 and of Lothrop in 1924-25. The more important first-hand sources on the Ona from 1580 to 1917 are: Banks (1896); Barclay (1904); Beauvoir (1915) ; Bollet- tino Salesiano (1877— ); Cojazzi (1911); Dabbene (1911); Fur- long C. (1910, 1917 b); Gallardo (1910) ; Lehmann-Nitsche (1918). The data given by Barclay, Dabbene, and Gallardo were almost en- tirely, and those by Ftirlong largely, from the Bridges brothers. The anthropological information from the above and the other earlier sources were assembled in Cooper (1917). The most important sources since 1917 are: Borgatello (1924) and Tonelli (1926), for general cul- ture, from the Salesian contacts; Lothrop (1928), especially for tech- nology, from field studies; Gusinde (1931), for his exhaustive treat- ment of the whole range of Ona culture, and especially the social and religious phases thereof, from his own extensive and intensive field studies and from a thorough critical gleaning of the literature. Gusinde’s large monograph, “Die Selk’nam” (1931), contains prac- tically all that we know of Ona culture. Where this basic work is not accessible, the following more important papers may be consulted : Gusinde (1923-24, 1924, 1925 a, 1925 b, 1925 c, 1926 a, 1926 b, 1926 c, 1927, 1928 a, 1928 b, 1929). CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Ona practiced domestication neither of plants nor of ani- mals. Dogs are reported among the Ona, probably Haush, of Good Success Bay as early as 1769, by members of the first Cook expedition. 110 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 148 Lothrop’s rating (1928, p. 32) of the relative importance to the Ona of the foods they used is as follows: (1) Guanaco, by far the most important; (2) of much less importance, foxes, eels, geese (4 kinds); (8) next, mussels and cormorants; (4) last and least, tuco tucos, seals (4 kinds), whales, limpets, crabs, ducks (5 kinds), fungi (several kinds), berries (3 kinds), grass seeds. According to Gusinde (1931, p. 125), the tuco tuco was more important than the guanaco for the Northern Shelknam; the guanaco more important for the Southern Shelknam. The Ona prepared a flour from the seeds of tay (Descurainea canescens) ; the seeds were ground with two un- worked stones as mortar and mano, and the flour was mixed with water or grease. Salt was not used. Dogs were never eaten, and the flesh of foxes was ordinarily avoided. Hunting.—The guanaco was hunted with the bow and arrow. The killer of a fox made an apologetic speech to the dead animal to pro- pitiate the whole fox world and to ensure good fortune in future fox hunting (Gusinde, 1931, p. 280). Dogs were very important in fox hunting as well as in guanaco hunting. Tuco tucos were dug up and killed with a pointed stake or short spear. Birds were taken with single- or multiple-noose snares, with the pole snare and by torchlight, as among the Yahgan. Apart from these snares no other forms of trap or pitfalls are reported. Seals were sometimes taken with seal-hide nets. Fishing.—Fish were speared in shallow water with a short bone- headed spear. They were also taken with nets made of sinew and in weirs made of branches or stakes. A fishhook of a dorsal fin tied to a bit of whalebone was earlier reported by Wilkes at Good Success Bay (1844, 1: 118). Food preparation and storage.—Dried meat and fungi were stored. Meat was cooked on a spit or over the coals. Heated stones were used for warming and roasting seeds of tay. The only foods eaten raw were guanaco fat, fungi, and wild fruit. SHELTERS The two chief forms of shelter were the windbreak and the conical hut, the former the more common one among the Northern Shelknam, the latter the ordinary one among the Southern Shelknam (Gusinde, 1931, p. 126). The windbreak consisted of guanaco hides sewn to- gether and painted red and attached to a few poles stuck in the ground in a curve or semicircle and inclined toward the center (pl. 37, bottom) ; it thus formed a fencing without a roof, but in bad weather could be nearly closed over. Sometimes the skins were Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER T11 merely pegged with thorns or lashed to standing trees. The conical tipi with a framework of stout sapling trunks, about 10 feet (3 m.) high, was covered with branches or other material. The material for such a framework was at hand in the parkland and forested habitat of the Southern Shelknam. In both types of shelter the floor was often scooped out and branches strewn on it. Considerably larger conical lodges covered with sods were set up for ceremonial purposes (cf. p. 120). DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Clothing.—The chief garment of both men and women was a long cape, reaching from over the shoulders to the feet or ankles (the woman’s cape a little shorter), about 5 feet (1.5 m.) square, the skin side coated with mixed red paint and grease or saliva, worn with the fur outside. Men simply held the garment together or let it fall; the woman’s garment was tied on with thongs at the breast. Among the Southern Shelknam the mantle was usually of guanaco skins; among the Northern Shelknam it was commonly of tuco tuco skins. Among both the fox-skin mantle was prized. Moccasins made from guanaco-foreleg skin were worn, fur outside, and stuffed inside with grass (fig. 15). Leggings of guanaco skin were used in heavy snow. Ficurm 15.—Pattern of Ona moccasin. (After Lothrop, 1928, fig. 8.) In travel over light deep new-fallen snow a small bundle of thick bushy twigs was tied to the moccasin to keep the wearer from sinking; the contrivance was called xé8e ke xdmni, “snow shoe” (Gusinde, 1931, p. 215). Ona men wore a triangular peak or head band over the forehead, made of guanaco fur. Ona women wore under the cape two other 112 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 garments: an undergarment of guanaco skin reaching from the arm- pit to the knee, with the fur inside, and tied at the waist with a thong; and a small triangular pubic covering like that of the Yahgan. Ornaments.—The hair was worn loose, not in braids, and was often banged. The top of the head was shaved in mourning. Combs were made of wood or whalebone or were merely the jawbone of a porpoise or otter. Depilation of facial and bodily hair with two mussel shells was practiced by both sexes. Scarification was resorted to as a mourning rite. Puncture tattooing on the arm or forearm with charcoal was common to both sexes. Head deformation, and ear, lip, and septum piercing were absent. Smearing the head and body with grease served protective as well as decorative purposes. Face and body painting was common; besides the three colors, red, black, and white, used by the Yahgan, the Ona used blue, green, yellow, and slate. Body painting was also used for camouflage coloration in the chase. The chief personal adornments were: necklaces of braided guanaco sinew, plain or strung with bone beads; anklets and wristlets of braided sinew and of plaited grass. Feather armlets were worn during foot races. Finger, ear, and nose adornments were absent. TRANSPORTATION There is good ground for holding that the Ona on rare occasions ventured out on the water, but there is no evidence whatsoever on the kind of watercraft they used or whether it was their own. In traveling afoot, the women used a tumpline of thongs, passing across the chest, for carrying household impedimenta, and often used a walking stick. MANUFACTURES Pottery and weaving were absent; and no sherds have been found in any of the few archeological investigations in Ona territory. String-making and sewing.—Sinew twisting and plaiting was common. For sewing skins or bark, an eyeless bone needle or awl was used. Basketry——The Southern Shelkham and probably the Haush made half-hitch coiled baskets with foundation quite similar to the commonest Yahgan type (p. 89). Skin dressing.—Skins were dried by stretching them taut with flexible cross sticks or by staking them to the ground. They were cleaned with a flesher in which the stone or glass blade was set at an angle to the handle (fig. 16, ¢). Some of the scrapers revealed archeo- logically may have been used without a handle. The skins were taken Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 113 Dp ‘ AN MMMM uum EEE 2 KUMI | b C Figure 16.—Ona implements. a, Ona knife with schematic cross section, length 8% in., or 22 em. (after Outes, 1906 b) ; b, Ona wood scraper, length 5% in., or 14 cm. (after Lothrop, 1928, fig. 25) ; c, flesher (after Lothrop, 1928, fig. 25). in both hands and rubbed together briskly. To preserve them, they were smeared with a mixture of grease and red earth. There was no smoking of skins. Stoneworking.—Stone chipping was by pressure, with use of a small leg bone of a guanaco sharpened to a dull point. Containers.—Instead of the cylindrical bark baskets of the Yahgan, the Ona used more or less rectangular envelopelike bags of guanaco or other skin, of different sizes, for holding or carrying water, food, small objects, and so forth. The man’s ditty-bag of foxskin worn at the waist also served incidentally at times as a pubic covering. Small bags made of bladders, intestines, and so forth, were used for holding oil and pigments. Weapons.—The bow and arrow were the Ona man’s chief and al- most his only weapon for hunting and fighting. They may be sum- marily described as follows (fig. 17). Bow: curved self-bow, length 583486—46—_8 114 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Burn. 143 from about 3 to 5 feet (1.0 to 1.6 m.) ; section ovate rounded with apex toward cord; of Nothofagus antarctica, fluted; string of twisted guanaco sinew. Arrow: head, triangular, stemmed, and barbed, of stone, bone, or glass; fitted into socket in shaft and lashed with sinew; no foreshaft; feathering, two half-feathers lashed radially to shaft with spirally wound sinew or gut. Quiver: oblong, sewn skin. Ar- row shafts were smoothed with a grooved stone rubber and given final polish with leaves or wood and stone dust on a bit of foxskin. Arrow- heads were chipped by pressure with a blunt rounded bone tool. Bows were made by specialists, who received some remuneration; arrows, by nearly every man. Ona children played with small bows and arrows, Figure 17.—Ona bow and arrow. (Length of arrow 82 in., or 80 cm.; of bow, 63% in., or 158 em.) (After Lothrop, 1928, pl. 5.) the latter often blunt-headed. The bow was held diagonally in shoot- ing, with primary release, or, if far shooting was desired, with sec- ondary or tertiary. No poison was used on arrow points. A short spear, about 5 feet (1.5 m.) with a unilaterally barbed bone shank, was used for hunting and fishing. Slings were sometimes used by the Southern Ona. Spherical stone artifacts that may have been bolas balls have been found in Ona territory, and the bolas has been ascribed to the Ona within the last 50 years by an occasional writer (Spears, 1895, p. 59; Beauvoir, 1915, pp. 203-204), but practi- cally all of our first-hand sources on Ona culture are silent regarding the bolas. Clubs were apparently used only rarely, in hunting. The atlatl was absent. Tools.—The stone celt or ax was apparently lacking; we have neither ethnological nor archeological evidence of its presence. Vou. 1} THE ONA—COOPER 115 Lothrop, however, found on east-coast sites several] heavy oval imple- ments, which he thought may have been used as cleavers or handaxes by earlier Haush or other occupants. A wedge of bone or stone was used to split the wood for arrow shafts; a scraper for woodworking, especially in making bows and arrows (fig. 16, 6). The earlier stone or shell knife was later replaced by a terminally edged bit of iron lashed to a wooden haft (fig. 16, a). Fire making and illumination.—Fire was made solely by the flint and pyrites method, with dried fungus or bird down for tinder. Fire tongs were made of a split stick. Torches were made of bark or of bundles of dry grass stalks. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE Marriage and the family.—From early age the sexes were kept separated. Premarital sex relations were strongly disapproved, and, except between betrothed couples, were actually, from all reports, very uncommon. Marriage with a blood relative was strictly pro- hibited, but limits of relationship were not very specifically set down; marriages to girls from far distant localities were decidedly favored. Marriage with a mother and her daughter was disapproved, but not so severely as blood-kin unions. Both the boy and the girl were ordinarily free to marry the mate of their choice and affection. There was no bride-price or obligatory service to the bride’s parents. Raids and wars to capture women for wives were not a feature of Ona culture. Forcible abductions of women from their husbands, by men of influence and power, occurred occasionally, usually more or less by agreement and understanding with the woman herself, sometimes with the help of her relatives. Boys married only after passing through the kléketen initiation rite; girls, after first menses. According to Gusinde’s estimate (1931, p. 311), the majority of young men married before they were 20 years old; the girls, between 15and 19. There was no child betrothal proper. In the case of first marriages, there was a formal betrothal rite which made known to the tribesmen the couple’s intention to marry. The boy, after receiving assurance of the approval of the girl’s parents, presented her in the presence of others with a specially made small bow, while she, in token of definitive acceptance, gave him a specially made wristlet of six-strand plaited sinew. Both painted their faces with a special design. For all weddings, first or later, bride and groom painted their faces with lines of black dots diverging down vertically from the eyes over the cheeks. The wedding feast took place at the bride’s father’s hut. Couples commonly remained a while after marriage with the bride’s people, but then almost without exception went to live permanently with the groom’s people. 116 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 As a rule, monogamy prevailed. A small minority of the men had two wives; a very rare one, three. In one historic case, Kausel, a famous shaman, had five or eight wives. Prestige and dominance drives en- tered into his polygyny, as they did sometimes in other cases. Public opinion disapproved even bigamy, except on grounds of need, such as the first wife’s incapacity due to age or illness. Taking more than two wives was in all cases disapproved. Usually only older men had more than one wife. Polygyny was often sororal. The levirate, quite similar in most respects to that of the Yahgan (p. 92), prevailed. In polygynous families, each wife usually had her own separate hut, and the first one was head wife. Practically identical in-law avoidances were observed among the Ona, as among the Yahgan (p. 93). In theory, the man was distinctly the head of the family and his wife as distinctly under his orders. In practice, she seems to have had a respected status both in the family and in the community and to have enjoyed not only affection but also a large measure of independ- ence. She was neither a slave nor a drudge. Breaches of marital fidelity occurred, but apparently not with marked frequency. The offended husband or his kin were more apt to wreak revenge on his wife’s paramour than on her (Gallardo, 1910, p. 220). Divorce occurred but rarely, and even then almost exclusively where the couple’s children were grown up and married. In general, public opinion was against divorce. The more common ground was bad treatment of the wife by the husband; her relatives would try to patch up the matter and to get him to behave better; if he persisted, they would uphold her in her flight from him. Ona kinship terminology distinguishes paternal and maternal kin in the first generation both from the parents and from one another, and siblings from more remote kin (cf. Lowie, 1933). All dependable sources are agreed that the aged were respected and well treated. Political life—The biological family was the basic social unit. Each family was for most practical purposes an independent socio- political unit, although forming an integral part of the larger extended kinship groups, to be mentioned presently. The real authority within the whole Ona tribe rested with the father of the individual biological family. No man recognized authoritative headship of or accepted orders from any other. There were no chiefs, no ruling groups or castes of any kind. Likewise there were no social classes, no sibs, and, unless the body of men who had passed through the kloketen rite could be called such, no secret societies or other organized groups. Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 117 Next in size to the biological families were the extended families, 39 of them in all, each independent and each with its own separate well-defined territory within the total Ona habitat. ‘These extended families were paternally constituted. Children belonged to the lineage of the father. A young man on marrying a wife from a kinship group other than his own brought her back to his own family territory and there remained. If he died, she more commonly went back to her own kin and territory. Practically all the residents, therefore, within any one of the 39 divisions were related by blood or marriage. Each of these localized families or kinship groups recognized the moral leadership of one of the elder men. He could hardly be called chief. He had no real authority. The office was in no sense heredi- tary. He would not have to be a shaman. He was well versed in tribal traditions and customary law, and spoke often of them. His influence was persuasive, not coercive. For acceptance of his counsels he counted on the general respect for elders and for established customs. The members of the localized extended families had mutual loyalty, and clung together particularly in revenge expeditions and feuds. As previously noted (supra, Introduction), the whole Ona group was divided into three broad sections: the Haush, on the one hand; and, on the other, the Northern and Southern Shelknam. Each of these three divisions recognized a certain internal solidarity and loyalty, and between the Northern and Southern Skelknam, at least, there was an undercurrent of bad feeling. But beyond this, the divisions had no political significance. Warfare and disputes.—There were no established public pro- cedures for determining criminal guilt and for inflicting punishment. The Ona were strongly given to revenge and were outspoken in their anger at a taint of honor or rights. There were no wars in which large numbers took part. Most group fighting was carried out by from 8 to 20 men on each side, each party commonly composed of relatives harking from a given extended family territory. The three chief causes of feuds and hostilities were murder, exploitative tres- pass on family territory, and suspicion of malicious witchcraft in cases of illness or death. In preparing for battle the men rubbed their bodies with red earth as camouflage and went into the fray singing their war song. There was no torture of captives, nor, for that matter, any purposive taking of captives, although an occasional woman of the losers fell into the hands of one of the victors. Where the cause or injury was of minor nature, especially in case of calumny and slander, conflicts were settled more by rough wres- 118 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 1438 tling matches or by a duel with bow and arrow. The women, too, sometimes engaged in tongue-lashing duels. In the peace-making rite described by Lucas Bridges (1988), each man of one party gave a chosen antagonist of the other five arrows with the heads removed and the shafts bound with sinew or hide around them to form a button the size of a cherry about one-half inch from the distal end in order to prevent it from penetrating too far, then came running and dodging toward him, while the latter shot the arrows at him, from a distance of about 70 to 90 yards (63 to 81 m.) to less than 40 yards (36 m.). The roles were then reversed. After all men members of the two bands had gone through this modi- fied dueling once, the women of the two bands went fishing together, the young lads wrestled in friendly fashion, and amicable relations were resumed. Etiquette——Cleanliness was admired but not strictly practiced. Bathing in sea or stream was not in vogue. Morning ablutions were commonly reduced to washing the eyes with a little water or snow. A powdered earth or powdered dried tuco tuco liver was sometimes rubbed over the body as a cleanser. When visitors ap- proached, the mother usually hastened to give a quick washing and powdering to herself and her children and to tidy up the hut a little. Hospitality to a guest was given as a matter of course. A guest on entering kept silent, without looking around curiously, and only after a while began to tell his story. Eating gluttonously or hastily, especially when on a visit, was disapproved. Kissing, practiced only between certain close relatives and young married couples or lovers, was done, not lips to lips, but by pressing lips to the head, cheek, or arm of the other, with slight suction. It was bad form to mention the names of neighbors, and partic- ularly to mention the names of the deceased in the presence of their relatives. (For further details on etiquette, see Gusinde, 1931, pp. 466-474.) ECONOMIC LIFE Ownership.—While the Ona claimed exclusive right to their whole habitat as against outsiders, the whole Ona country was divided into 39 distinct territories, each of which was held exclusively by a dif- ferent paternal extended family. Such an extended family ranged in size from about 40 to 120 persons. The territory belonged to the family as such. Each man of the family had the right to hunt on it wherever he chose. None of this family land could be alienated. Exploitative trespass on it by nonmembers of the family was deeply resented and was looked upon as ground for bloodshed and even war. Hunters from other families and territories could be received as guests and could hunt with and at the will of the members of the particular Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 119 extended family. Such a guest, if short of food or of other raw material which he needed, would ask such permission and only in the rarest cases would be refused. A son inherited such rights of tenure and hunting from his father automatically without any partic- ular formality. Owing to such paternal succession and to patrilocal residence, the group exploiting any one of the 39 divisions was made up exclusively or dominantly of kin. The one major exception to such exclusive territorial rights of exploitation was the finding of a stranded whale; any members of the whole Ona tribe could come and partake of such, although certain prior rights accrued to the members of the territory on which the whale was found, Clothing, adornments, weapons, tools, baskets, playthings, and the like were owned as per- sonal property by women and children as well as by men. Property was acquired through occupation, labor, donation, and barter. Barter was carried on without any kind of currency; there was no barter by exchange of presents. Acquisition by inheritance was practically lacking; all an individual’s personal belongings were burnt at his death, except his dog, which was given to some relative or friend. Stealing from fellow Ona was severely reprobated, and was actually very rare. Theft of goods led to boycotting and loss of caste, while trespass on another family’s hunting territory led to fights and bloodshed. The stealing of sheep from White ranchers who had driven the Ona from their fatherland was regarded by the latter in another light. Labor.—There was no slavery or slave labor, and very little labor in common. Nor were there any craftsmen who made their whole living by specialized trades, although some expert bowyers received compensation for their products. Within the province of the man fell the following duties: Hunting, fishing with the large net, stripping flesh and blubber from stranded whales, skinning animals, making his own weapons and containers, and bringing in heavy logs for the fire. Among the woman’s chief duties were: Caring for the younger children, gathering shellfish, small fish, fungi, and plant food, fetching drinking water, tending the fire, cooking, looking after the hut in general, dressing skins, making baskets, sewing, and carrying the household impedimenta on the march. There was no incentive to accumulate wealth, and no prestige at- tached to possession of wealth. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth and infancy.—The Ona were quite aware of the rela- tion of coitus to conception; conception and foetal development were believed to demand repeated coitus. No contraceptives or abortives 120 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buy. 143 were known or used, and there is no clear evidence of infanticide. De- livery was in a half-sitting position. After delivery there was no prescribed bath in the sea or stream for mother or child. The mother often washed her whole body with wet clay. After delivery she ab- stained for about a month from certain foods, while the father ate lightly ; but there was no couvade. The navel string, dried, was put in a small pouch; when the child was able to walk alone, the father caught a certain small bird, and the child tied the pouch around the bird’s neck; the father then put the bird in the hands of the child, who let the bird loose to fly away; every bird of this species would then protect the child (Gusinde, 1931, pp. 377-378). The newborn child was placed in a sort of baby sack made of a rolled bit of hide lined with furs; a special eyeshade for the child was used; about the end of the third month he was placed in a ladder-type cradle (pl. 38, bottom, left). Children seldom cried. They were nursed whenever they indicated desire to do so. There was no naming feast; names usually became attached to the child from some bodily characteristic. Education.—Elders frequently exhorted children to socially recog- nized standards of childhood behavior, going into minute details thereupon, and proposing motivations of self-regard, family and tri- bal pride, threats of shortened life, and sometimes the will of Temau- kel, the Supreme Being. The sexes were kept separate and watched vigilantly from very early years. Girls’ puberty.—At her first menses the girl for several days fasted rather rigorously, kept quietly in her father’s hut, painted her cheeks under the eyes with thin white vertically diverging lines, and was given much counsel on her duties as maid, wife, and mother. The kloketen initiation and men’s rite.—This rite, participated in exclusively by the men and adolescent boys, was the most impor- tant Ona social and religious function. Two basic concepts underlay it. First, it was a male device to keep the women in subjection by supernatural hocus-pocus, insofar corresponding to the Yahgan kina rite; second, it was a boys’ initiation ceremony and training course, and insofar correspond to the Yahgan éxaus (p. 98) rite. The myth back of the kléketen rite was an elaborate one, quite sim- ilar in all essentials to the one back of the Yahgan kina rite (q. v.), describing how the men turned the tables on the previously dominant women. A special large conical hut was erected at the farthest bor- der of an open space, across which at a distance of 180-200 paces were the camp tents. The women and uninitiated children were rigidly barred approach or access to the kl6keten hut. The father of the oldest of the candidates was by right the leader of the ceremony; these had to be of postpubertal age. The rite was given from time to time as occasion offered or demanded, and lasted sometimes as long as 4 to 10 months, or even longer. Vor. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 121 In accordance with the double objective of the rite as a whole, two parallel sets of activities characterized it. First, previously initiated and adult men impersonated various sup- posed spirits, painting their bodies in different ways and wearing conical or conoidal masks of bark or hide, and would issue from the large hut, dance, posture, and call in the sight of the women, and threaten them with punishment if they did not obey the men. The women are said to have believed implicitly in the reality of the sup- posed spirits; the men, of course, did not, and the boy candidates were soon told of the skulduggery involved, with the strict admonition under dire threats not to reveal the facts to the women or other noninitiates. Second, for the duration of the rite, the boy candidates stayed at night in the large hut, had to do with little sleep and little food, to talk little, to assume a cramped sitting posture, and to make long travels afoot. They were further given long and intensive instruction and training in their vocational as well as their social obligations and responsibilities (pl. 38, top, right). The rite concluded without a formal feast. The young candidates were simply ushered back to their mothers’ tents, camp was broken, and the families dispersed for their hunting. The shamans entered quite prominently into the rite in connection with the supposed spirits. Temdukel functioned therein only slightly, chiefly in connection with the inculcation of social duties. Only by going through the kléketen rite could a boy attain full-fledged member- ship in the tribe. Death observances.—Death was believed to be due either to natural causes such as old age, accident, murder, or war, or to machinations of ashaman. But in the last analysis it was always the Supreme Being, Temaukel, to whom death was attributed. Mourning was expressed by body painting with charcoal, wailing, scarifying, and tonsuring. There were quiet complaints against Temaukel for his part in the death of the deceased, but not the wild, demonstrative ones of the Yahgan. There was no clearly institution- alized general mourning rite. There was no cremation. The body was rolled and lashed in fur mantles, at full length, and was interred in supine posture. After a death, the camp site was for a long time avoided. The name of the deceased was not mentioned, at least for a couple of years. There was a marked fear of human bones. Future life—The soul (kéSpi) at death went to Temaukel at his abode beyond the stars. Nothing in detail was known of its condition or fate there, which was the same for all regardless of moral behavior here on earth. The kaSpi never returned, and there was no concept of metempsychosis. The shade of a dead person (“men”) might come 22 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bury. 143 back in dreams. (On souls of dead shamans, cf. infra under Shamanism.) ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Ona esthetic culture may be described better in negatives than in positives. As among the Yahgan, esthetic development was extremely rudimentary. Art.—No realistic carving, painting, or drawing was done. Design was confined to the simple geometric patterns of face and body painting. Games and sports.—Among grown-up men the most popular sports and games were: Wrestling, foot races, archery duels, and a contest in which each of two rows of men tried to push the other back. Less popular were the ball game, like that of the Yahgan, and the throwing of burning faggots at one another by two rows of men. The chief boys’ games and plays were: Practicing with bow and arrow and with sling; aiming to shoot an arrow through a grass ring as it was rolled along; shooting, with bow, sticks or old headless arrow shafts lighted at one end; swinging head down by bended knees. Popular games with girls were: Dolls, playing house, hide and seek, tickling one another, swinging, playing ball, forming a circle and running and springing at the same time. Young infants were given a sort of rattle made of five mussel shells, perforated and strung on a bit of sinew. Gambling was absent; so, too, were games with complicated rules. Young fellows showed their power to endure pain by placing a bit of glowing coal on their forearm until it burnt them rather severely. There were no alcoholic beverages and no tobacco or substitute therefor. Narcotics were totally lacking. Actually the Ona were one of the few primitive tribes who did not take kindly to the White man’s intoxicants. Music.—Songs, while rhythmic, were very simple and monotonous. For that matter, about the only songs sung were connected with shamanistic and kléketen rites and with war. The Ona were not accustomed to free recreative singing. Musical instruments were completely absent. Dancing.—Apart again from ritual dances, there was very little recreative dancing, and symbolic dances were entirely absent. RELIGION As with the Yahgan, the religious life of the Ona revolved pri- marily and almost exclusively around theism and shamanism. All in all, shamanism bulked larger and theism smaller in religious Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 123 consciousness and life among the Ona than they did among the Yahgan. About the only traces of Ona shamanistic cult were the rela- tionships of the souls of dead shamans to the living medicine men. Shamanism itself was predominantly built upon animistic concep- tions. Certain minor omens and taboos not directly associated with either theism or shamanism were prevalent; for instance, if guanaco meat was wantonly wasted, the guanaco would be angry and the guilty hunter would kill no guanaco for a long time. But such observances appear to have had minor importance in Ona religious life. The kléketen rite previously described had certain distant relationships with theism and closer ones with shamanism, but was in the main more a social than a religious ceremonial. Theism.—The Ona had a very clear belief in a Supreme Being whom they called Teméukel. They seldom mentioned his name; instead they would refer to him as “That One There Above” or “The One in Heaven.” He lived above the stars, far from the world and in most respects was rather indifferent to worldly affairs. He took no part in men’s doings except to punish the individual by inflicting death on the group by sending epidemics. It is doubtful if he was the creator of the original unformed universe; Kendés, the Ona’s first ancestor, was commissioned by Temdéukel to put the universe in shape. Temaukel had no body, no wife or children, was the most powerful being, and always existed. In a broad sense he was the author and overseer of the socio-moral order, the ultimate originator of customary law, and the final sanctioner thereof. Punishment was inflicted by Temaukel on the evil-doer only in this life, through early death. In general, while Temaukel thus had some dynamic relation to man and to the social order, in many respects he had the characteristics of an otiose High God. He seems to have entered much less intimately into the daily life of the Ona than did the Yahgan’s Supreme Being into theirs. There was no set ritual connected with Temaukel and no priest- hood. The Ona had a very deep sense of respect for him. They prayed to him, particularly in cases of very grave illness, but without the numerous formulae such as the Yahgan used. Altogether the Ona seem to have prayed to him much less than did the Yahgan to their Supreme Being, and prayers of thanks were either very rare or nonexistent. Two simple sacrifices were offered. When a man or woman wished to take something to eat late at night, he or she would first take a bit of meat and throw it out of the hut, as an offering to Temaéukel, saying: “This is for the One Above.” During a tempest or snowstorm, a woman would sometimes throw out a bit of glowing coal, as an offering to Temaukel to bring better weather. 124 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn. 143 Shamanism.—Shamans (xon, yohon), mostly men, seem to have played an appreciably more important part in Ona religious and social life than in Yahgan, and to have been on the whole more feared. The call to the office came most generally in dreams, in which the spirit of a deceased medicine man appeared to a person, invited him to seek the vocation, and, finally, transferred to him his own special song and power. Training for the craft, commonly given privately by a shaman father to his son, lasted 2 or 3 years. There was no public group training institute like that of the Yahgan; the Ona peshére, shamans’ assembly, held for 5 days in a special large conical hut, was more a social gathering, which, however, had also the purpose of recruiting new candidates. There was no society or organization of medicine men; each worked quite independently, and very commonly in deadly rivalry with and antagonism to his fellow shamans. The shaman cured, influenced weather and hunting, helped his group in their warlike pursuits, and so forth. Curing procedures included extraction from the patient’s body of the small object, often an arrow- head, responsible for the illness. One of the most frequent, if not the most frequent, task of the medicine man was to wreak evil upon his own or his clients’ enemies. His part in the kloketen rite has been previously mentioned. In the exercise of his profession, he did not call upon Temaukel for aid. The real source of his power was the spirit of the deceased medicine man who worked in and through him. MYTHOLOGY The more important mythological and folklore cycles were those concerned with the adventures and deeds of: Kends, the first man, agent of Temaukel, who gave the Ona their land; K’aux, the mighty hunter who divided their land into the 39 hunting territories and assigned one to each family; Kwanyip, the hero who overcame the malevolent Chénuke and the giant cannibal, Chaskels; North and South and their struggles with each other for mastery; Sun and his wife, Moon (part of the story concerned with the legendary early ma- triarchate, mentioned previously) ; the mythical ancestors of the Ona; the primeval manlike beings who later turned into mountains, lakes, rivers, and the like. Explanatory folk tales were numerous. The Ona flood story does not seem to have been part of any of the above cycles. (Details in: Gusinde, 1931, pp. 568-696 ; Cojazzi, 1911, pp. 31- 33, 88, 76-92, 101-102.) No cult of these mythological beings existed. Temdukel did not enter except very indirectly (in the case of Kenés) into myths or folklore. Vou. 1] THE ONA—COOPER 125 The Ona had a very definite tradition that their ancestors came afoot to what is now the tribal land, from the north beyond the present Strait of Magellan, which was formed after their arrival as the result of a great cataclysm. LORE AND LEARNING Ona technology was, like that of the Yahgan, very simple. Some of the products, however, such as the bow and arrow, were of con- summate workmanship. Standard weights and measures were absent. So, too, were such means of communication as knotted cords, notched sticks, and travel- ers’ camp signs. Smoke signaling was common. Two chief seasons were recognized, winter and summer, with two minor transitional ones, spring and fall. Winter included six “moons”; summer was divided into egg-laying, hatching, guanaco pregnancy, young guanaco, and molting periods. Herbal curatives were lacking. Massage was a common procedure in minor indispositions. For lung ailments and coughs, a piece of guanaco bezoar (called in Ona “the guanaco’s fire-making ap- paratus”) was ground to powder, put in a mussel shell with water, heated over a fire, and drunk (Gusinde, 1931, pp. 712, 1120). Crude splints were used for broken arms and legs. The Ona, prior to European influence, had names only for numbers up to 6 and for 10 (Lothrop, 1928, p. 50, data from the Bridges brothers), or only for numbers up to 5 (Gusinde, 1931, p. 1107). BIBLIOGRAPHY For bibliographic references, see page 109. THE PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS By Joun M. Cooper NATURAL ENVIRONMENT The section of the Pampa which here interests us (map 1, Vos. 1D, 1E, 1F; map 2) extends about 600 miles (960 km.) north to south from about a line between Cérdoba and the mouth of the La Plata to a line between the Rio Colorado and the Rio Negro (pl. 8, bottom, right, pl. 4, top, left), where Patagonia begius, and thence stretches about 1,000 miles (1,600 km.) from north to south to the Strait of Magellan and the isthmus connecting Brunswick Peninsula with the mainland. The Pampa is a low-lying plain, nowhere over 1,000 feet (305 m.) above sea level, except for the Sierra del Tandil and Sierra de la Ventana in southern Buenos Aires Province. Apart from the low coastal belt, Patagonia is mostly a broken tableland, one to five thousand feet above sea level (pls. 1 and 2). Average temperatures at Buenos Aires, near the northeastern limit of the Pampa, are 48.9° F’. in July, the coldest month, and 73.6° in Jan- uary, the warmest month; at Choele-Choel, near the border line be- tween the Pampa and Patagonia, 45.1° and 75.4°; at Santa Cruz, in far southern Patagonia, 35.2° and 58.6° (cf. New York City, 30.6° in January and 73.5° in July). The Pampa is marked by frequent steady-blowing high winds; Patagonia, by still more frequent blus- tery violent winds from the west and southwest. The eastern, or Humid Pampa, is, or was, treeless grassland (pl. 3, top, right, and bottom, left, pl. 4, top, right); the western or Dry Pampa (pl. 3, top, left), xerophytic scrub-tree and bush land; most of Patagonia has cover largely like that of the Dry Pampa, but con- siderable grassland especially in the western part. Along the pied- mont and eastern slopes of the Andean Cordillera flanking the Pampa and Patagonia to the west, is a broken forest belt (pl. 4, bottom, left and right) constituting an extension of the Antarctic flora with its beeches and other characteristic trees and shrubs. (For fuller details on environment, cf.: Jones, 1930; James, 1942.) Of the land fauna, the most important from the native standpoint were the guanaco (Lama glama guanicoe: Cabrera and Yepes, 1940, 127 128 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 p. 257) and the rhea (Rhea americana in the north, R. darwinii in the south) (pl. 1). Guanaco more commonly go in small herds consist- ing of an adult male and 4 to 10 females; sometimes, in small herds of young males; less commonly, in larger herds up to about 100 head, or in ones or twos. Communal hunting was consequently more usual; hunting singly, less so. THE PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN TRIBES Notwithstanding the notorious complexities and obscurities of Patagonian and Pampean tribal nomenclature and distribution, cer- tain simple broad facts stand out quite clearly, as amply established by the evidence. Since the early 18th century, at least three distinct linguistic families have been determined for the area: Avaucanian, Puelchean, and Tehuelchean (Chon). The peoples speaking these languages have been quite consistently described as respectively short- statured, fairly tall, and very tall—characterizations borne out by more exact measurements, particularly of the first and third. The cultures, too, of the three peoples can, in spite of much mutual bor- rowing and much underlying similarity, be readily distinguished— the Araucanian versus the Tehuelche very clearly, the Puelche versus the Araucanian and Tehuelche less clearly. Taking this well-estab- lished broad triple division as a starting point, we can approach more closely the Patagonian-Pampean confusion with less fear of leaving it at the end more confounded that it was; at the worst we can fall back to our starting point. The Araucanians.—Slight infiltrations of Araucanian blood and culture across and down the Andes onto the eastern foothills and plains had taken place during the 17th century, and a little probably even in the 16th. But the major swarming of the Avaucanians cut over Neuquén and the Pampa got under real headway only in the early years of the 18th. The early pifon-eating “Puelche” or “Pehuenche” of the high cordilleran valleys, who are from time to time mentioned in the Chilean documents of the 16th and 17th centuries, may have been non-Araucanian in speech, but there is an even chance that they or a section of them were Araucanian-speaking. At any rate, from at least the time of Pietas (1846, p. 499), they were clearly Araucanian in speech, and from at least the beginning of the 19th century, they, or the peoples who then lived near where the early Pehuenche had lived, were thoroughly Araucanian in culture. (Cf. De la Cruz, 1835; Poeppig, 1835-36.) In view of the foregoing facts, the Argentine Araucanians and the early “Pehuenche-Puelche” of the cordilleran Araucaria forest will be described in volume 2 of the Handbook, under Araucanians, and will be given no further direct treatment in the present article. VoL. 1) PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 129 The Tehuelche.—The name (etymology uncertain) was first used by the Jesuit missionaries of the middle 18th century, has many vari- ants, and has at times been applied to tribes (cf. infra under Puelche) other than the one known to modern anthropology as the Z’ehuelche. The chief variants of “Tehuelche” are: Tuelohe (Camafio, 1937, p. 114); Toelchi (Cardiel, 1980, p. 247); Yoelche (Cardiel, 1938, p. 141); Tewelche (Milanesio, 1898, p. 38) ; Thehwelche (Beauvoir, 1915 p. 188) ; Theguel-che (Berg, 1875, p. 371); Zeguelche (Piedra, 1837, p. 77); Tehwelct (Borgatello, 1924, p. 12, Italian c) ; T’wehelche (Milanesio, 1898, p. 38); Toelcht (Cardiel, 1930, p. 252, Strobel, 1922, pp. 74-75); Tuelchu (Camamnio, 1987, p. 114); Thuelchu (Sanchez Labrador, 19386, p. 29; Dobrizhoffer, 1822, 1: 181) ; Tehuelhet (Falkner, 1774, p. 102) ; Tehueleto (Villarino, 18387, p. 88) ; Chehuelchu, Cheuelchu (Muiiz, 1917, pp. 208, 212); Tchéouelche (Guinnard, 1864, p. 68); Chequelcho (Lista, 1879 a, p. 75; 1879 b, p. 73) ; J’ehwiliche (Hale, 1846, p. 651). The designation Patagoni, first given to the Tehuelche by Magellan in 1520 (Pigafetta, 1906, 1:60), appears frequently in the later sources. The Yehuelche called themselves Choanik (Gardiner, 1852, p. 23); T’chonek (Musters, 1872, p. 194); Choonke (Lista, 1879 b, p. 73); JYonic or Tsonik (Claraz, 1896, pp. 524-525); Chonqui (Cordovez, 1905, p. 32—so called by Chileans). The name is derived from the Tehuelche word, tsonik (‘‘people,” Claraz, 1896, p. 525), tsonke (“people,” Ameghino, C., 1913, p. 260), choonke (‘“indio,” Lista, 1879 a, p. 81), chonk (“hombre,” Beauvoir, 1915, p. 184), dchontk (“hombre,” Lehmann-Nitsché, 1918, p. 260). Tsoneca (Schmid, 1912; Musters, 1871, p. 188) tsoneka (Moreno, 1879, p. 3876), tzoneka (Lista, 1879 b, p. 75), occur as the name for the Tehuelche language. The Tehuelche, especially the southern ones, also called themselves Ahoni- canka (Musters, 1872, p. 194); Ahonnekenke, Ahonekenke (Moreno, 1879, pp. 226, 376), Adniken, Adnik(e)nk(e)n (Spegazzini, 1884, p. 226), Adniikiin’k, Aoniko-tshonk (Lehmann-Nitsche, 1913, p. 219) ; Adnikenke (Beauvoir, 1915, p. 183), Adeni Kiink or Kenk (Harrington, 1948, p. 3). Harwaneki, Hawaneki (Gardiner, 1852, pp. 22, 24), Haveniken (Virchow, 1879, p. 199), Hawaniker-T'sonik (Claraz, 1896, p. 525) appear to be variants of the preceding. D’Orbigny (1835 47, 2:95) has Inaken for the southern Tehuelche (cf. Tehuelche nuken=“hombre,” Outes, 1913 a, pp. 488-489 ; nooken=“hombre,” Ameghino, C., 1913, p. 260). The southern Tehuelche called the northern Tehuelche Payni-ken (Gardiner, 1852, p. 22) ; Paignk(e)nk(e)n (Spegazzini, 1884, p. 226), Pw idinkiin’k, Pd énko- tshonk (Lehmann-Nitsche, 1913, p. 219). To denote the whole tribe, including both its northern and its southern division, we are using in the present article the term Tehuelche, since this term or some variant thereof has been more commonly accepted for the last two centuries. Since the middle of the 18th century, two main divisions of the Tehuelche, each with its own dialect, have been recognized. To the Jesuit missionaries of the time these divisions were known as the 7'chuelche ‘de 4 cavallo,” or northern division, who had horses and who lived in the Rio Negro Colorado and Rio Negro country, and the J'ehuelche “de a pie,” or southern division, who lacked horses and who occupied the region south of the horse Tehuelche as far as the Strait of Magellan. These southerners were included by Falkner in his Yacana-cunnees (“foot people’: Falkner, 1774, p. 111; Lehmann-Nitsche, 1914, pp. 229-230; ef. Cooper, 1917, p. 86). 583486—46—_9 130 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 143 A similar division into northerners and southerners is recorded consistently in our 19th century sources (D’Drbigny, 1835-47, 2: 95; Cox, 1863, p. 165; Musters, 1871, p. 70; Lista, 1879 a, p. 75, 1879 b, p. 74; Spegazzini, 1884, p. 226). According to Lehmann-Nitsche (1913, p. 219), the northern and southern Tehuelche were called by the southerners Pda’ dnkiin’k and Adéniikiin’k respectively. In the 18th century the two divisions spoke dialects differing so widely that members of one division could only with difficulty, if at all, understand those of the other (Sanchez Labrador, 1936, p. 30; Hervas, 1800-05, 1: 184). According to our more recent sources from Cox on, dialectic differentiation, though ap- preciable, was less marked. There was also a third dialect, Ta@wiishn (Téuesh, Téhuesh, Téhueshen, Téuesson, Téhueshenk, The-ushene, De-ushene). This dia- lect, according to Outes, was spoken long ago, and in 1905 was still spoken by some of the oldest Tehuelche in addition to the usual Tehuwelche language (Leh- mann-Nitsche, 1918, p. 288; Outes, 1905, p. 249; cf. Hunziker and Schmid, in Outes, 1928 a, pp. 278-274). In 1891 the Td@uiishn dialect was still spoken by older men, but was not understood by the younger Tehuelche-speaking generation (Bur- meister, C., 1891, p. 280). Tehuelche with its dialects constitutes, together with Ona and its own dialects, the independent Chon linguistic family. Since the middle of the 18th century, the northern boundary of the Tehuelche has pretty consistently been put at or around the Rio Negro (Sanchez Labrador, 1936, p. 30; Cardiel, 1938, pp. 141-142; Hervas, 1800-05, 1:184; Viedma, 1837 b, p. 79; D’Orbigny, 1835-47, 2:95; 212, north to 40° S. lat.; Spegazzini, 1884, p. 226; Outes, 1905, p. 241; Lehmann-Nitsche, 1913, p. 2830). To be more exact, the territory of the Tehuelche in historic times appears to have extended over the whole of Patagonia from the Rio Negro and its affluent, the Rio Limay, to the Strait of Magellan and the isthmus connecting Brunswick Peninsula with the continent. In the middle 18th century, the Tehuelche may have extended on the Atlantic side, at least as casual occupants, a little farther north than the Rio Negro, to the Rio Colorado, to judge from the reports of Cardiel (1930, p. 272) and Sfnchez Labrador (19386, p. 30). In the second half of the 19th century, Araucanian-speaking peoples extended down the Andean piedmont some dis- tance south of Lake Nahuel-Huapi and the Rio Limay. (Musters, 1871, map; 1872, p. 195; cf. Cox, 1863, pp. 94, 164, and La Vaulx, 1901, map and passim.) The dividing line between the horse and foot Tehuelche on the Atlantic side in the middle 18th century was about 100 leagues south and west of the Rio Negro (Cardiel, 1922, p. 63). The dividing line between the great northern and south- ern hordes in the second half of the 19th century was the Rio Chubut according to Cox (1863, p. 165) and Lista (1879 a, p. 75; cf. Lehmann-Nitsche, 1913, p. 230), the Rio Santa Cruz according to Musters (1872, p. 194; cf. Spegazzini, 1884, p. 226). Tehuelche population.—Population data on the Tehuelche are very unsatis- factory. As regards particular groups of the Tehuelche, Barne (18386, 5: 21) estimated at 1,400 the number of Indians at Port San Julian in 1753; Bourne (1853, p. 59), at about 1,000 the band with whom he traveled in 1849. As regards the whole Tehuelche tribe, the estimates in our records are the following: Viedma (1837 b, p. 79), 4,000 souls, in 1780-83 ; Mufiiz (1917, p. 213), less than 4,000 able to bear arms, in circa 1826; D’Orbigny (1835-47, 2: 97; 4: 192), 8,000 to 10,000 souls, in 1829; Fitz-Roy (1839, 2: 131), four groups of about 400 adults each, with a rather large proportion of children, and with women outnumbering men three to one, in 1883; Coan (1880, p. 171), about 1,000 souls, in 1833-84; Gardiner (1852, p. 22), 9,000 to 10,000 souls, in 1842; Cox (18638, p. 166), about 6,000 souls, in Vou. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 131 1862-63 ; Musters (1871, p. 184; 1872, p. 204), not over 1,500 souls, about 1,400, in 1869-70; Berg (1875, p. 371), 200 [2,000—-?] souls, in 1874; Lista (1879 a, p. 75), about 500 warriors, 2,000 to 3,000 souls, in 1878-79; Roncagli (1884, p. 768), 300 [warriors—?], in 1882; Spears (1895, p, 159), perhaps about 500 souls, in 1894, according to gaucho informants; Hatcher (1903, p. 262), doubtful if over 500 left, in 1896-99; Borgatello (1924, p. 134), at most 1,300 to 1,500 souls. Of the foregoing writers, probably Viedma, Muniz, Fitz-Roy, Musters, and Borgatello were best situated to learn the facts. Detailed data on the Tehwelche are given by Reiher (1920, p. 115) as of 1913-14, for the Tehuelche then living on the reserve in Santa Cruz territory: 35 men, 40 women, 17 boys, 15 girls—of whom 4 were non-Indians, and about 50 of the rest were full-blooded Tehuelche. The present writer has not found it possible to obtain statistics on the number of Tehuelche surviving today (1948). In 1829 the population had become reduced by one-half since the smallpox epidemic of 1809-12, according to D’Orbigny (1835-47, 2:97). Borgatello (1924, pp. 1388-186) attributed the modern decline in numbers to wars with the Whites, smallpox, and alcohol. Reiher (1920, p. 118) called attention to the widespread incidence of pulmonary diseases at the time (1913-14) among the reserve Tehuelche, and believed that change of diet, from meat and plant food, to meat, biscuit, and marmalade, had been largely responsible. Before passing on to consideration of the Puelche, four minor groups of Indians found in Patagonia or adjacent thereto call for brief at- tention: Ona and Alacaluf, Caucahue, Huilliche Serrano, and Poya. Ona and Alacaluf.—Fallner’s Yacana-cunnees were described by him as tall people living on both sides of the Strait of Magellan, those on the south side being obliged to cross the Strait in order to com- municate with the Yacana cacique, Tamu, Falkner’s friend (Falkner, 1774, pp. 91-98, 111; discussion in Cooper, 1917, p. 86, cf. pp. 195-196). King (1839, 1: 104, 113) in 1827-28 saw a Fuegian [Ona?] Indian among the 7’ehuelche of Gregory Bay. Coan (1880, pp. 103, 127, 171), who spent about 214 months with the Z7’ehuelche in 1833-34, very definitely reported that one clan in southern Patagonia was largely made up of Indians from Tierra del Fuego and spoke a dialect different from that of the other Tehuwelche. Gardiner (1852, pp. 21- 24) found a number of Fuegians, apparently Ona, mixed with or re- siding among the southern Zehuelche (cf. also Gardiner and Hunt, 1852, pp. 31, 33, 35, 40). Spears (1895, p. 129) also stated that a con- siderable number of Ona had been found in Patagonia and were still there. Likewise, Spegazzini recorded (1884, pp. 233, 235, 237) the presence of Fuegians [Ona?] among the Tehuelche. It seems fairly clear, from these sources, particularly Falkner, Coan, Gardiner, and Spears, that an appreciable migration of Ona across the Strait of Ma- gellan into 7'ehuelche territory occurred in the last couple of centuries. Moreno (1879, p. 378) referred to the capture of Alacaluf women by the7'ehuelche; Dumont d’Urville earlier (1842, 1:51, 156, 265-266), of Alacaluf children. The Huaicuré mentioned by Cox (1863, p. 165) 132 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 1438 may also have been Alacaluf, the Guaicaro vocabulary gathered by Lista (1896, p. 41) from a Guatcaro medicine man living among the Tehuelche is Alacalufan. Caucahue.—In the early Chilean chronicles from 1641 on, the tri- bal denomination Caucahue (Caucau, and other variants) occurs spo- radically, as applied in the most confusing manner, sometimes to short or medium-statured Indians of the western coast archipelago, at other times to “gigantic” Indians of the mainland. (Cf. details in Cooper, 1917, passim.) Our most detailed account of the latter tall type is that of Pietas (1846, pp. 503-504). He described the Caucahue, one of whom he had seen, as “gigantic” in stature, living south of the Chono, between the Cordillera and the Golfo de los Evangelistas, and speaking a language unknown to any one in Chiloé. It is quite possible that these tall “Caucahue” were Tehuelche, but by no means certain. They were very expert in the use of a heavy throwing club. (Cf. also Mor- rell, 1882, pp. 100-101, on “Caucau” met by him in the Guaianeco Islands in 1923.) Huilliche Serrano.—It is quite possible, too, that the Hwilliche Serrano of the Chilean chroniclers were Tehuelche, or perhaps Puelche, to judge from their tall stature as compared with that of the Arauca- nians and from their geographical location. (Cf. original data as- sembled from sources by Latcham, 1929-30, 64: 218-220.) But our in- formation upon the Huilliche Serrano, as upon the tall Caucahue, is too meager to justify any but the most tentative surmises as to their ethnic relationships. Poya.—As regards the Poya (Pouya, Pogya) we are a little better off. (Cf. original source data assembled in: Latcham, 1929-80, 64 : 220- 299; more fully, Vignatz, 1939 a; Fonck in Menendez, 1900, passim, and esp. p. 319, on “Puelche”=probably Poya.) They should not be con- fused with the Araucanian-speaking Poyo or Payo. (Cf. Cardiel, 1938, p. 141; E. Simpson, 1875, p. 104.) The Poya were described by three of our four chief sources as big bodied. They spoke a non- Araucanian tongue. They lived in the general region of Lake Nahuel- Huapi, to the south or southeast thereof. Cardiel (1938, p. 141) seems to class the Poya as a branch of the foot 7’ehuelche. The Poya made an intoxicating beverage from a wild fruit called by them muchi (Oli- vares, 1874, p. 511; Menendez, 1900, p. 412) ; muchi is the Tehwelche name of the fruit of the Dwvaua dependens, called huingan by the Araucanians, and eaten by the Tehuelche (Cox, 1863, p. 211). Vig- nati (1939 a, p. 237) has called attention to the custom of septum per- foration, certainly unusual in these parts, attributed independently to the Poya by Florez de Leén (1898, p. 256) and to the early Tehuelche by Fletcher (Drake expedition, 1578: see Fletcher, 1854, p. 50). The Vou, 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 133 identification by Vignati (1989 a, p. 237) of the Poya supernatural being, Chechuelli (Chahuelli: Olivares, 1874, pp. 511, 514, 516, 519) with the Zehuelche being called Chelewle (Pigafetta, 1906, 1: 60, 78; Outes, 1928, b, p. 380) appears less convincing. All in all, there seems to be fairly good evidence, although far from decisive, that the Poya were Tehuelche. In view, however, of certain cultural peculiarities of the Poya, as well as of their still somewhat un- certain linguistic affiliation, we shall devote a special short section to them in our treatment of Patagonian-Pampean culture. The Puelche.—The name by which the Puelche call themselves is Genakin (Hunziker, 1928 b, p. 277, “Genacin,” c=k), from gena, “gente, pueblo, nacion” + — kin (?). Variants are: Gennacken (Moreno, 1879, p. 220), Gennaken, Genakenn, Gintina Kune, Giiniina Kine (Harrington, 1933-35, 1943). In the present article we are using for the Genakin the name Puelche, as the one best known and longest established in anthropological literature. The name Puelche (Puelcho, and other variants) is from Araucanian (‘‘east- ern people”). It was first used in our sources by the Chilean chroniclers to de- note various groups living in or near the higher cordillera or on the plains to the east—the people later known as Pehuenche (the pifion-eaters of the high cordil- leran valleys), or the plains people in general east of the Chilean Cordillera, or sections thereof. Later it was much used by Chilean Araucanians and Whites for the Araucanians who spread out over the Pampa. In these senses the name usually either excluded the people known to modern anthropology as the Puelche or else included other peoples as well. It was from the beginning a geographical rather than a strictly tribal name, and remained so down to recent times. Hence the unending confusion in its use. In the middle 18th century, Puelche began to be used by the Jesuit missionaries (cf. Lozano, 1924, p. 297; Sanchez Labrador, 1936, pp. 28-30) for one of the main ethnic groups of the Pampa, south and southwest of Buenos Aires, particularly those Indians living around the Sierra del Tandil and the Sierra de la Ventana, the Rio Colorado, and beyond to the Rio Negro and toward the Andean Cordillera. These same Puelche were also known to the Spanish of Buenos Aires as Ser- rano or Montaneses, on account of their mountain habitat and meeting place (Lozano, 1924, p. 297 ; Strobel, 1924, p. 442 ; Sanchez Labrador, 1936, pp. 29-31; Car- diel, 1922, p. 62, and 1930, pp. 245-247), Cerrano (Querini, 1922, p. 64), and like- wise were called Peguenche by Sanchez Labrador (1936, p. 30—a possible mis- print or author’s slip). Camafio (1937, p. 114) used the name Puelche for the Araucanian-speaking peoples of the Pampa; Falkner (1774, pp. 99-100), in a much wider and geographic sense, for all the eastern Pampa and Patagonia tribes, regardless of language—the Taluhet, Diuihet, Chechehet, and Tehuelhet—from Cérdoba and Buenos Aires to the Strait of Magellan; Poeppig (1835-36, 1: 464), for the Patagon east of the Andes from 37° S. lat. to the Strait. Other names by which the non-Araucanian, non-Tehuelchean Indiaus of the Pampa have been known are Pampa and Tehuelche of the North. Pampa was so used by Donavidas (1903, p. 365), Lozano (1875-74, yp. 431), Camafio (1937, p. 114), Cox (1868, p. 165), Musters (1871, pp. 70, 304), La Vaulx (1897-98, p. 84), and Milanesio (1898, p. 38)—by the last four at least, to denote the Puelche 134 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 proper. Pampa was also used for the Indians adjoining the Huarpe and extend- ing to the Atlantic coast (Ovalle, 1888, 12: 177-179) ; for some of those in the vicinity of Buenos Aires (Vasquez de Espinosa, 1942, p. 693; Querini, 1922, p. 64; Sanchez Labrador, 1936, p. 29) ; and in a broader sense, to include all Pampa- dwelling tribes, regardless of language, by Sanchez Labrador (1936, p. 29) and Dobrizhoffer (1822, 1:130), both of whom consider the name a geographic one, not an ethnic one. The name Tehuelche of the North was used for Puelche by Cox (1863, p. 165). There are still other complications (cf., e. g., Lehmann-Nitsche, 1923 a, p. 26), but the foregoing are the main ones. Lehmann-Nitsche (1923 a) endeavored to interpret and identify the units in Falkner’s elaborate system of tribal sub- division and nomenclature, but most of the system defies exact analysis, even if Lehmann-Nitsche’s Het language be accepted as proven. Falkner was cer- tainly mistaken as regards some units of his system ; but separating all fact from all error in it is a well-nigh hopeless task, at least in the present state of our knowledge. The Falkner problem, like a good many others connected with Pampean linguistics, culture, and nomenclature, will be solved, if ever, only by intensive field work in the culture and linguistics of surviving Indians in southern Argentina, with perhaps a little help from still hidden and unpublished archival material. About the same may be said of the Het family which Lehmann-Nitsche (1923 a) believed he had isolated, as a fourth linguistic family spoken on the Pampa in the 18th century, in addition to Araucanian, Tehuelchean (Chon), and Puelchean. With great skill and originality, he drew upon both the literature, especially Falkner, and upon his own linguistic field work, to support his thesis, and was able to present a very respectable amount of evidence for it. Falkner’s use of the nomenclatural ending het, as meaning “people,” is certainly suggestive of the existence in his time on the Pampa of a language that was neither Araucanian nor Tehuelchean nor Puelchean. Nor could Lehmann-Nitsche identify from field studies or the sources a certain number of words in Falkner as belonging to any one of these three tongues; and so concluded, if the present writer interprets his procedure correctly, that they belonged to the Het family. But on the other hand, it seems strange that if there had been such a fourth family language in use at the time, nothing explicit should have been written about it in the numerous extant letters and reports of the missionaries who had direct personal contact with the Indians of the area or who had been in close touch with others who had had such contact. Camafio, whom Ffirlong (1988 a, p. 87) calls “el mas notable lingiiista” among the Jesuits of the Rio de La Plata region, makes no reference to such a fourth family, nor does Sanchez Labrador; nor does Hervas, who drew upon the knowledge of Jesuit missionaries acquainted with the region and with its peoples. On the contrary, they imply that there were three and only three family languages spoken in the area of the Pampa south and southwest of Buenos Aires down through Patagonia to the Strait. Then, too, the data from Falkner, arresting though they may be, are nevertheless rather meager, where there is question of positing a whole new linguistic family. And Falkner’s work, in other respects, is open to much justified criticism on the score of looseness. Querini (1922, pp. 64-65) recorded that the Pampa of the missionary foundation of the Reduccién de la Concepci6én, established in 1740 near the mouth of the Rio Salado about 100 miles southeast of Buenos Aires, and the Serrano of the Reducci6n de Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar, established in 1747 farther south near the present Mar del Plata, had each their own language. This might suggest two VoL. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 135 non-Araucanian, non-Tehuelchean languages spoken in the region south of Buenos Aires. But Strobel, who had some practical knowledge of the languages concerned (Ffarlong C., 1938 a, pp. 88, 96, 98), stated (1924 (1740), p. 443): “... the language of the Serranos .. . differs from that of the Pampas, as German does from Flemish.” Healso had remarked just previously that the Serrano “are kin of our Pampas Indians, since ties of blood bind them together.” Strobel’s testimony suggests the interesting possibility—it cannot be called more—that the Het tongue, if it existed at all as a separate linguistic entity, may have been one of the two related languages referred to by Querini and Strobel. All in all, as the evidence stands at present, it would seem wiser to reserve judgment on the question of the Het family. We can only express the hope that the urgently needed field studies may still be made to clear up this as well as other pending problems of Pampean and Patagonian anthropology. Field work cannot help, but possibly existing archival material might help, in clearing up another problem of the area, namely, the relation of the Puelche to the Querandt. We may best approach this problem by starting with the better known and working toward the less well known. Our first definitive linguistic identification of the Puwelche comes from the short vocabulary thereof gathered and published by D’Orbigny. At the time of his 8-month stay in the lower Rio Negro region in 1829, the Puelche, according to him, had their habitat between the Rio Negro and the Rio Colorado, between 39° and 41° S.lat., where they had resided “for more than a hundred years previously,” but especially on the banks of the Rio Colorado (D’Orbigny, 1835-47, 4: 221). This would place them in the area as far back as the first half of the 18th century. According to the Jesuit missionaries (cf. supra), in the middle 18th century this area was inhabited chiefly by non-Araucanian non-T'ehuelchean “Serrano” or “Montaneses,” known also at the time as “Puelche.” The identity of both habitat and name establishes a fair probability, at least, that the mid-18th century “Ser- rano” were Puelche, that is, Genakin proper. Further, according to the previously cited explicit testimony of Strobel, who from his first-hand contact with the peoples concerned and from his knowledge of their languages was certainly in a good position to know what he was talking about, the “Serrano” tongue was of the same linguistic family as that of the “Pampa” of Buenos Aires, that is, of the Indians living north of the Serrano and nearer to Buenos Aires. These “Pampa” would therefore have been Puelche- speaking. Finally, there are some fairly good reasons for thinking that these “Pampa” of Buenos Aires and vicinity were no other than the Indians earlier known as Querandt. As far back as the middle 18th century the “Pampa” of the Buenos Aires region were explicitly identified by Lozano (1924, p. 296), with the Querandi: “The nation of the Pampas was called at the time of the Conquest Querandies, and dominated all the region that Buenos Aires now occupies, extending their power toward the south and the west.” (Cf. also: Lozano [ca. 1745] 1878-74, p. 431; Hervds, 1800-05, 1:131.) This explicit report is corroborated by the less explicit statement of his contempo- raries and confréres, Querini and Camafio. According to Querini (1922, p. 64), who with Strobel founded the Reduccién de la Concepcién among the “Pampa” in 1740, these Indians were “nomadic people who from the first entrance of the Spaniards upon the conquest of these provinces gave them [the Spaniards] much trouble.” According to Camafio (1987, p. 114): “The Pampas have always been 136 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 148 known in Buenos Aires, and in Cordoba; they traded with the Spaniards; they worked as hired laborers on the Spaniards’ country estates.” In how far may we accept these statements as they stand? On the one hand, Lozano was, many years later, taken sharply to task by Camafio (1987, p. 114) for certain grave misconceptions regarding the ethnic relations of some of the Indians around Buenos Aires. On the other hand, as regards the point under discussion, Camafio is in agreement, as far as he goes, with Lozano. Then, too, Lozano, as Official historian of the Jesuit missionary province of Paraguay, in- cluding the Pampa, had at his command a wealth of archival material. Further, Lozano, Querini, and Camafio were all in personal touch with their missionary confréres as well as with the colonists of the area. Lozano and Querini had come from Europe to Buenos Aires and Cérdoba as early as 1717. Lozano was at Cordoba from 1717 to 1728 or 1724, and at Santa Fé until the end of 1727. Querini was at Cérdoba for some years from 1717 on and was then transferred to Buenos Aires, where we find him in 1729 (Ffrlong C., 1930, pp. 8-24; 1938, pp. 87-88). In the encomienda list of the jurisdiction of Santa Fé, drawn up at Buenos Aires in 1678 by Gayoso (1897, pp. 176, 178-179), a number of the Santa Fé encomienda Indians of the time were designated as Querandi. At least some of these Querandi must have survived some years, until toward the end of the century or beyond—within a couple of decades of the 1710’s and 1720’s. Lozano and Querini, therefore, were reporting, not a nebulous tradition harking from the remote past and about a distant people, but one concerning an Indian group in close contact with the colonists, as is clear from Camajfio’s statement, and well known to and personally remembered by colonists still living in Lozano’s and Querini’s day. Then, too, the territory earlier ascribed to the Querandi was about the same as that occupied in the middle 18th century by the “Pampa.” (Cf. for Querandt Rui Diaz de Guzman, 1835-87, pp. 10-11; reprint in full of source material in Lothrop, 1932, pp. 197, 201-204, 213; detailed discussion of habitat by Canals Frau, 1941; for “Pampa,” sources cited infra.) The Querandi were described by the early writers as a numerous people; Schmidel (1567, 2 verso, cf. 3 recto) reported a population of about 3,000, not including women and children, in 1535 around what was later the site of Buenos Aires. There is evidence of wars and pes- tilences in the area, but of none so severe as to lead to total extinction; in fact, Querandi certainly survived until 1678, as previously noted, and no doubt until at least near the end of the 17th century. They were driven from the gates of Buenos Aires in 1580, but in the 17th and far into the late 18th century there was abundant food on the Pampa in the form of feral horses and cattle as well as of wild game. The culture attributed to the Querandi agrees in prac- tically all diagnostic respects with that of the later “Pampa” of Buenos Aires. The Querandi were described as taller than the Germans but not so tall as the Tehuelche, a description which, so far as it goes, tallies with that given in 1772 by Sanchez Labrador (1936, p. 31) of the “Pampa.” Archeologically, there is indication in the Querandi-Pampa region of only minor cultural differences. (Cf. Archeology of the Pampa, present volume.) And the disappearance of the name Querandi from contemporary literature, after the last part of the 17th century has no particular importance for our problem. The name was one derived from Guarani (Outes, 1897, p. 27), not one the Querandi called them- selves; while, according to Vasquez de Espinosa (1942, p. 693), writing in 1628 or 1629, the bolas-using Indians some 16 leagues from Buenos Aires—from the location, more probably Querandi—were those early called Pampa. (Cf. also Canals Frau, 1940-42, pp. 37-88, on “que” in caciques’ names in Garay’s reparti- miento of 1582 as possibly equivalent to Puelche ‘“‘ken.’’) Vou. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 137 In the foregoing chain of evidence—Puelche=Serrano=Pampa= Querandi—the second link is the strongest, the first and third less strong. While a chain is only as strong as its weakest link, the evi- dence does appear to give some fairly good ground for the identifica- tion of the Querandi as Puelche-speaking. But in any case, there is no positive scientific ground whatever, as our evidence stands at pres- ent, for assuming that Querandi was a distinct linguistic family. Puelche territory——What territory and population we attribute to the Puelche prior to D’Orbigny’s time, 1829, will depend largely upon the view we take of the Het and the Querandi-“Pampa-” “Serrano”-Puelche problems. To his Het-speaking Indians of the Pampa of the mid-18th century, Lahmann- Nitsche, relying mostly on Falkner, ascribed chiefly the belt inland from and flanking the Atlantic coast from near the Rio Negro to well north of the Rio Colorado (1923 a, pp. 49, GO, map opp. p. 18). In the early 17th century, the Querandi territory appears to have included roughly about what we know today as the Humid Pampa. (Cf. Rui Diaz de Guzman, 1885-37 ; Lothrop, 1932 b; and especially Canais Frau, 1941 b, previously cited.) The “Pampa” of Buenos Aires occupied the region south and west of the city and its adjacent hacienda belt in the 17th and mid-18th centuries (cf. sources cited supra). In the middle 18th century, the “Serrano” lived south and southwest of the “Pampa,’ around the Sierra del Tandil and Sierra de la Ventana, and extended down as far as the Rio Negro and as far west as the foothills of the Andes (Cardiel, 1922, p. 68; Sanchez Labrador, 1936, pp. 29-80; cf. Lozano, 1924, p. 296), with a chief center on the Rio Neuquén or Rio Limay west of their junction. (Cf. Cardiel’s 1747 map in Ftirlong-Outes, 1940; Falkner, 1774, pp. 26, 80, and map.) Our earliest definitive location of the Puelche is that given by D’Orbigny (cf. supra) for the year 1829, between the Rio Negro and the Rio Colorado, especially the latter region. Cox (1863, p. 165) located one band of Puelche at the mouth of the Rio Negro; other Puelche, mixed with Argentine Araucanians, in the west from the Rio Limay to the Rio Chubut. Musters (1871, p. 70; 1872, p. 194) in 1869-70 found Puelche between the Rios Negro and Chubut, while several clans were living on the plains north of the Negro; from these centers they raided up as far as the province of Santa Fé as well as to Cérdoba and Mendoza. Moreno (1879, p. 445) found at the mouth of the Santa Cruz River a camp made up mostly of Puelche. Thus a southerly drift of the Puelche occurred after the titne of D'Orbigny, a continuation, if our provisional identification of the Puelche with the Querandi be correct, of an earlier southerly drift that probably began with the founding of Buenos Aires in 1580 and with the establishment of regular lines of land communication between Buenos Aires and Santa Fé, Cordoba, and Mendoza. Puelche population.—Population statistics for the early Pwelche are none too definite. The Querandi were consistently described as a numerous people—more than 3,000 adult males in 1585, if we can accept Schmidel’s statement. By the middle of the 18th century, we get much lower numbers. Cardiel’s Serrano, probably Puelche, numbered in all only 100 to 200 men able to bear arms (1922, p. 63), but it is not clear whether this number includes all the then existing Puelche. Lozano (1924, p. 296) calculated the number of “Picanche” in the provinces of Tucuman and Cuyo, some of whom were probably Puelche, at 70 families in all. SdAnchez Labrador (1936, p. 48) stated that the “Pampa” of 138 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 Buenos Aires Province numbered about 400 families of an average of 5 persons each, while in the Cordoba and Tucumén districts there were only 50 families; but perhaps not all of these were Puelche. D'Orbigny (1835-47, 2: 268, 4:12) estimated the population of the Puelche in 1829 at 500 or 600 souls. Musters (1872, p. 205) believed that the number of Puelche south of the Rio Negro numbered “perhaps under six hundred.” In 1915-16, 10 to 12 Puelche still survived in the lower Rio Negro region (Lehmann- Nitsche, 1924 a, p. 8). A few “Pampa.” by which are apparently meant Puelche, were living around 1925, according to Fasulo (1925, pp. 111, 114, 141), in Neuquén and the western part of La Pampa Territory; and a few Puelche, at least 10, are still living in Chubut Territory (Harrington, 1948, p. 3). Recurrent epidemics of smallpox, in the early (Lozano, 1924, p. 296; Falkner, 1774, pp. 98-103), middle (Querini and Strobel, 1924, p. 444), and late (D’Orbigny, 1885-47, 4:221) 18th century, largely accounted for the great reduction in Puelche population during the period. Lozano (ibid.) also mentions the part played by murders committed during drunken brawls; various writers, wars with Whites and Indians; D’Orbigny (ibid.), daily attacks by the Argentine Araucanians. No doubt there were other causes, but we lack specific information thereupon. HISTORY OF INVESTIGATION The post-Magellanic history of the Patagonian and Pampean hunters may be divided into three main periods: an early one, 1520 to circa 1725, from first White contact to the Araucanian invasion and the acquisition of the horse; a later one, circa 1725 to 1883, the date of the closing of the military campaigns which finally broke the power of the Indians of the Pampa and drove many or most of the survivors south and southwest of the Rio Negro; the recent one, 1883 to date, the era of decline. In the present paper we shall for convenience refer to the natives of these periods as the “early” (Tehuelche, Puelche, and so forth), the “later,” and the “recent,” respectively. Early period, 1520-ca. 1725.—First European contact with these southern hunters was that of Magellan (narratives of Pigafetta, Maximilianus Transylvanus, Albo, Herrera) in 1520 with the Tehuelche at Port San Julian on the Atlantic coast of Patagonia. During the following 150 years, eight other expeditions encountered the Z'ehuelche: 1526, Loaisa (narratives of Urdaneta, Oviedo) ; 1535, Alcazaba (Mori, Vehedor); 1558, Ladrillero; 1578, Drake (Cliffe, Cooke, John Drake, Famous Voyage, Fletcher, Nuno da Silva, World Encompassed ) ; 1580, 1584, Sarmiento (Sarmiento, Hernandez) ; 1586, Candish (Pretty); 1599, Noort; 1670, Narbrough, and Wood. Earliest contact with the Querandi, farther north, who may have been the ancestors of our modern Puelche (cf. supra), was Sebastian Cabot’s (Ramirez, Cabot, Oviedo) in 1526. (See details, Lothrop, 1932, pp. 201-202.) Meanwhile, the Spaniards in Chile were in sporadic touch from the 1540’s on with the Pampean and Patagonian hunters nearer the Andes, whom they called “Puelche,” “Poya,” and “Patagon.” Such Vou. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 139 contact was: Economic, through trade and encomienda labor (Rosales, 1877-78, 1:469); military, through expeditions to and raids by “Puelche”,; missionary, a little by Rosales (one or two visits between 1650 and 1653), more by Mascardi, 1670-73, and his suc- cessors, 1703-14, at Lake Nahuel-Huapt. (Cf. details and sources assembled by Fonck, 1900; Latcham, 1929-30; and Vignati, 1939 a.) All these relationships, however, have netted us very meager an- thropological information, and for the peoples of the heart of the Pampa region practically none. Later period, ca. 1725-1883.—The beginnings of this period in the first half of the 18th century were marked by three very significant events: the deployment of the Avaucanians out over the Pampa, the acquisition of the horse by the Patagonian and Pampean tribes, and the founding of the Jesuit missions among them. The deployment of the Avaucanians, begun before the close of the 17th century, gathered great headway shortly after the opening of the 18th, and carried them almost to the gates of Buenos Aires. In the same period, owing apparently in large measure to Araucanian influence, the Patagonian and Pampean tribes, previously foot In- dians, took to horsemanship, and also began to be profoundly in- fluenced by general Araucanian culture. As for the Tehuelche, after 1670, when seen as foot Indians by Nar- brough and Wood at Port San Julian, there is a long gap of 71 years in our sources. When next seen, in December 1741, near the eastern end of the Strait of Magellan by Bulkeley and Cummins, they were riding horses. With the horse came many other new cultural traits (Cooper, 1925, pp. 408-409). The chief explorers (with dates of con- tact) to whom we owe first-hand data on the Z’ehuelche until the close of the period are: Eighteenth century: Morris, 1742-48; Cardiel and Quiroga, 1746 (Lozano, in de Angelis, 1836-37, vol. 1); Barne, 1753; Byron, 1764; Wallis, Carteret, 1766; Duclos-Guyot, 1766 (in Pernety, 1769, vol. 2; 660-662) ; Bougainville, 1766, 1767; Juan de la Piedra, 1779; Viedma, 1780-83; Vargas Ponce, 1785; Tafor, Pineda, Pefia, 1789; Coleman, 1793 (%). Nineteenth century: Mufiiz, ca. 1826; D’Orbigny, 1829; Fitz-Roy, 1833; Coan, 1833; Wilkes, Hales, 1839; Gardiner, 1842; Bourne, 1849 ; Cox, 1862-63; Musters, 1869-70; Berg, 1874; Moreno, 1874, 1876-77 ; Beerbohm, 1877; Lista, 1878-80; Roncagli, 1882; Spegazzini, ca. 1884. The list is long, but the data are relatively scant. The missions of the Jesuits to the peoples of the Pampa south of Buenos Aires, 1740 to 1753, gave us a considerable volume of an- thropological information on the mixed Puelche and Araucanian- speaking peoples of the Pampa proper and, to a lesser extent, on the Patagonians. In the writings of Fathers Dobrizhoffer, Lozano, 140 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bux. 143 Cardiel, Quiroga, Strobel, Camafio, Rején, Garcia, Querini, and par- ticularly Falkner and Sanchez Labrador, we get for the first time an insight into the cultural and linguistic lay of the Pampean area and into its relations with the Patagonian and Araucanian. (Most of cultural data are given in Sénchez Labrador, 1936; Falkner, 1774; Pennant, 1788; and Firlong Cardiff, 1938 a). Some very valuable anthropological information also was contrib- uted by the 19th-century Protestant missionaries: Coan, 1833-34; Gardiner, 1842, 1845; Schmid and Hunziker, 1859-63. (For details, cf.: Gardiner, 1852; Marsh and Stirling, 1874; Coan, 1880; Outes, 1926 b, 1928 c.) The period came to an end with the military campaigns under Gen- erals Julia Roca and Conrado Villegas in 1879-83, which completely defeated and disorganized the Indian confederates, cleared the Pampa region almost entirely of its Indian inhabitants, and drove most of the survivors beyond the Rio Negro and into Neuquén. Recent period, 1883 to date.—Settlers, following the frontier, have taken up most of the country from the northern limit of the Pampa to the Strait of Magellan. The surviving Indians are found scattered here and there in small groups, mostly south of the Rio Negro. The process of Europeanization has been in full swing; the native culture has largely been replaced. Relatively very little field work has been done among the survivors during the last 60 years. The Salesian missionaries, Fathers Milanesio (1898, 1917) and Bor- gatello (1924), have given us some new light direct from the toldos of the natives. A great deal of attention has been devoted by a corps of Argentine scholars—Canals Frau, Furlong C., Lehmann-Nitsche, Outes, Serrano, Vignati, and others—and by Fonck and Latcham of Chile, to critical surveys and interpretations of published and manuscript data, a work still in active progress. Selected annotated lists of the more important of our very numer- ous first-hand sources on the culture of the Tehuelche, Poya, and Puelche will be given infra under Culture at the beginning of the sections on the culture of the respective three tribes. There are few more urgent tasks facing anthropological science than thorough studies, as thorough as possible under the circumstances of native cultural disintegration, of the surviving Zehuelche and Puelche, studies made directly in the field, from information that may probably still be gotten from older members of the fast-dwin- dling remnants of these once numerous and powerful tribes. CULTURE Our cultural data are fullest and most clearly identified for the Tehuelche, whose culture will be treated first. Next will follow a Vou. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 141 short account of the Poya. Finally, we shall deal with the culture of the Puelche. In the case of the Puelche, were we to confine ourselves to those data which are unmistakably and beyond all possibility of doubt at- tributable to people speaking the Puelche language, we should have to rely almost exclusively on D’Orbigny’s extremely brief account. For reasons previously given, we seem to be on fairly safe ground in concluding that the Puelche of D’Orbigny’s day were the linguistic descendants of Sinchez Labrador’s “Puelche” (“Pampa,” “Serrano”) six or seven decades earlier. If not the linguistic descendants, they were almost certainly the cultural ones. We shall use, therefore, the data from Sanchez Labrador, where we can be sure he is speaking of cultural phenomena peculiar to his and our Puelche or shared by them with the contemporary Tehuelche and/or Argentine Araucanians. For those who hold with Lehmann-Nitsche to the former existence of a Het family on the Pampa, what we shall describe as Puelche cul- ture would connote, so far as the description rests on data from San- chez Labrador, Het culture or Het-Puelche culture. Less use can be made of Falkner than of Sanchez Labrador, as the former gives fewer details and discriminates less between Araucanian, Tehuelche, and Puelche cultural features. TEHUELCHE CULTURE On Tehuelche culture the very early sources prior to 1670 yield only the most meager information, and this almost exclusively regard- ing the more obvious elements of material culture. About the best of these early sources, such as they are, are Pigafetta (1906) and Fletcher (1854). The most important later sources are Viedma (1837 b) and Musters (1871, 1872). Next in importance to these last three publications may be listed: Borgatello (1924), Bourne (1853), Coan (1880), Moreno (1879), Muniz (1917), and D’Orbigny (1835-47). Some good material is also found scattered through the works of: Cox (1863), Falkner (1774), Fitz-Roy (1839, dependent largely on Falkner), Gardiner (1852), Lista (1879 a, 1879 b), Pennant (1788, data derived from Falkner in England), Reiher (1920), Roncagli (1884), Sanchez Labrador (1986), and Spegazzini (1884). On the linguistic relations of the Z'ehuelche, Lehmann-Nitsche (1918) is basic, while Cardiel (1938) and Camaiio (1937) were important pioneer contributors. Where it is possible or advisable to distinguish between the culture of the foot Tehuelche before 1670 and that of the horse-using T'ehuelche after 1741, in the following account of 7’ehuwelche culture the terms “early” and “later” will be used respectively. 142 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Food.—The chief foods of the 7ehuelche were guanaco and ostrich meat, the latter being generally preferred as less lean. Armadillos, skunks, tuco tucos (Ctenomys sp.), and huemuls were also eaten (Ron- cagli, 1884, p. 771; Ibar Sierra, 1879, p. 54), but dogs were not (Fitz- Roy, 1839, 2:150). Grease, fat, and marrow were delicacies, as were also ostricheggs. The later Z’ehuelche, ordinarily at least, avoided fish (Coan, 1880, p. 60; D’Orbigny, 1835-47, 2: 100; 4:101; Bourne, 1853, p. 147; Musters, 1871, p. 201; Ibar Sierra, 1879, pp. 54-55; Borgatello, 1924, p. 16), not, apparently, from magico-religious motives; but near the coast the early Z’ehwelche consumed fish and mollusks (Oviedo, 1851-55, 2: 40, 48, 45), the later Zehuwelche some shellfish (Gervaise, in Dumont d’Urville, 1842, 1: 278). While meat was the basic diet, considerable quantities and varieties of plant food were eaten. By the early Tehuelche certain roots, “re- sembling parsnips,” were eaten raw or cooked, and made into flour (Pigafetta, 1906, 1: 50, 60, 78; Oviedo, 1851-55, 2: 40, 48, 45) ; by the later Tehuelche, roots, roasted and made into flour; “wild potatoes,” dug up from underground and eaten raw or cooked; seeds, “like mus- tard,” ground between two stones; “‘a kind of spinach” and a few other plants; “wild dandelions”; barberries, wild currants, strawberries, pifoes (Araucaria sp.), apples (Juan de la Piedra [1779], 1837, 5:77; Coan, 1880, p. 119; Dumont d’Urville, 1842; 1: 154-155, 279; Schmid, 1912, p. 24, with native names of six or seven roots and plants eaten ; Musters, 1872, p. 199; Spegazzini, 1884, p. 238; Vignati, 1936, p. 598: cf. Spegazzini, 1884, p. 238 ; Outes, 1905, p. 253; and especially Vignati, 1936, p. 598, and 1941, for botanical identifications). The later 7e- huelche chewed the gum which exuded from the incense bush (Musters, 1872, p. 199; Schmid, 1912, p. 28; Spears, 1895, p. 159: cf. details of method of chewing in Hudson, 1926, pp. 125-126), as a pastime and dental cleanser. According to Vignati (1936, p. 602), some of them chewed the leaves of Chuquiraga avellanedae “como excitante nervioso.” The Zehuelche practiced no agriculture at all, and the early Tehuelche had no domesticated animals except the dog. They seem to have had at least two kinds of native dog, a larger long-haired one and a smaller one somewhat resembling the Scotch terrier (Cabrera, A., 1934, pp. 88-91; Spegazzini, 1884, pp. 232-233; Allen, 1920, pp. 476- 478) ; a third kind, resembling the greyhound, was probably a cross between the Spanish galgo and the first of the above two (Cabrera, A., 1934, pp. 88-91). The smaller dogs were used mostly as pets, the larger ones in hunting. Horses.—The horse was introduced after 1670, and before 1741, probably some time around 1725, from the Argentine Araucanians, Vou. 1] PATAGONIAN AND PAMPEAN HUNTERS—COOPER 143 or perhaps, as D’Orbigny appears to have believed (1835-47, 2: 100), from the Puelche. Its introduction was accompanied and followed by very great changes in general Z’ehuelche culture (Cooper, 1925, pp. 408-409, details), including the addition of horse meat to the diet. Hunting.—The early 7ehuelche used tame young guanacos as decoys in hunting guanacos (Pigafetta, 1906, 1:52; Mori, [1535], 1889, p. 820), and rhea plumage as head and body camouflage to approach within killing distance of rheas. Fletcher (1854, pp. 41-42) re- ported the use of nets in rhea hunting. Later Tehuelche hunters com- monly scattered, circled, and closed in to hunt the guanaco and the rhea (pl. 40, top) ; in the drive, pumas were often caught in the circle and killed (pl. 40, bottom). The dogs were of great aid in hunting. Our sources mention no snares or deadfalls as used for any animals. (For details on hunting, cf. Schmid, 1860, pp. 363-364, 366, and Outes, 1928 d.) Food preparation and storage.—Jerked guanaco meat, dried or smoked and pounded, was mixed with rhea or other grease to make pemmican, which was stored for use in winter or in stormy weather (Coan, 1880, p. 84). Fat, marrow, and internal organs of guanaco, such as livers, lungs, kidneys, and hearts, were commonly eaten raw; otherwise food was roasted or baked—later boiled in iron pots. Meat was often eaten only slightly roasted. Heated stones were put in split rhea, young guanaco, armadillo, and skunk carcasses, and the car- casses were then sewn up and placed on the fire to roast (Coan, 1880, p. 111; Moreno, 1879, p. 254). One end of the rhea egg was punc- tured, a little of the white taken out, and the egg set vertically on a slow fire to cook (Moreno, 1879, p. 359). Salt was mixed with blood, or used for seasoning meat. The blood of freshly killed guanaco was drunk raw (Coan, 1880, p. 119; Bourne, 1853, p. 71). A nonfermented drink was made of barberry juice. Maté, of later introduction, was very popular. As food receptacles and eating utensils were used: Valves of mollusks as drinking cups, and, in one early instance (Oviedo, 1851-55, 2:41) “skin,” as among the Ona (p. 118) ; in later times, wooden plates and platters, bladders as water containers, wooden or horn spoons, and armadillo shells as broth platters. There were no stated mealtimes. The Tehuelche avoided gluttonous eating. CAMPS AND SHELTERS Permanent villages were lacking. Some use was made of caves as dwellings in parts of prehistoric Patagonia, perhaps by Tehuelche. A skin windbreak very like the modern Ona one (p. 110) was ap- parently used by some of the early 7’ehuelche (Oviedo, 1851-55, 2: 41, and lam. 1, fig. 1; cf. Ladrillero, 1880, p. 499, and Cooper, 1925, pp. 144 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 414-418), but the skin tent with the two compartments as described by Maximilianus Transylvanus (1523, p. Av) suggests more the typical Tehuelche toldo of later times. This typical toldo (pl. 87, bottom; pl. 38, bottom, right) was made of three or more rows of stakes, diminish- ing in height from front to rear, and covered with guanaco skins sewn together and smeared with a mixture of grease and red paint. The inmost section was divided by skin screens into compartments, each married couple having their own compartment. The open side, facing east (to leeward), was sometimes, in winter or in bad weather, nearly closed with other skins. The fire was made near the center of the open side, a little within. Skins laid on the ground were used to sleep upon; covers were also of skins The toldo, according to Spegazzini (1884, p-. 230) usually housed a man and his entire family, or an extended family consisting of grandparents, children, and grandchildren, with their wives and offspring; while sometimes each of a man’s wives and sons had a separate toldo. Apart from special gatherings, camps did not contain more than about 20 toldos; more commonly they con- tained fewer. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Clothing.—The early Zehwelche men wore a pubic covering, later superseded by the chirip4, and some at least tied up the penis by the prepuce to their belt. (Ladrillero, 1880, p. 498; cf. Pigafetta, 1906, 1:60; Noort, 1905, p. 191.) The early skin moccasinlike foot- wear, with hay stuffing, gave place among the later Tehuwelche to the bota de potro (fig. 18, ¢) made from the dehaired skin of a horse’s hock or of the leg of a large puma (Lehmann-Nitsche, 1916 b, 1918, 1935). In one post-Columbian burial in Chubut Territory were found two exceptional types of clothing, a piece of shell-disk spangled mantle and a sandal (Vignati, 1930, pp. 12-19, cf. citations, pp. 20-32, of sources on mantles and footwear). Guanaco-skin overshoes were sometimes worn (Musters, 1872, p. 196). Men’s other garments were (pl. 89, top): A mantle of sewn skins of young or unborn guanaco, or of skunk, fox, or wildcat (Viedma, 1837 b, p. 68; Muniz, 1917, p. 214; Musters, 1872, p. 196), reaching to or below the knee, secured by a belt, painted with polychrome geometric designs (fig. 19; cf. Lothrop, 1929), ordinarily worn with the hair inside, but sometimes in hot weather with the hair outside (Coan, 1880, p. 75); a woven woolen fillet; sometimes a poncho. The women’s dress (pl. 39, to) consisted of: An apron pubic covering (cf. Vignati, 1931 e) ; an undergarment reaching from the armpits to the knees; a mantle like the men’s, but fastened at the breast or shoulder; the bota de potro, when on horse- back; sometimes a flattish