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LETTER

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Sir ROBERT BERNARD, Bart.

Chairman of the Huntingdonfhire Committee.

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By JOHN JEBB, M.D. F. R. S.

Injuflu Populi nihil fanciri poteil quod populum teneat.

Liv.

A general preemption that Kings (or Minifters) will govern well is not a furficient fecurity to the People.

Algernon Sydney.

THE SECOND EDITION.

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LONDON:

Printed for J. Stockdale, N° 181, Piccadilly, oppofite Burlington Houfe.

MDCCLXXXU.

[Price SIX-PENCE.]

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A LETTER

T O

Sir ROBERT BERNARD, Bart.

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Chairman of the Huntingdortfrir $ Committee .

SIR,

TH E Delegation being clofed by a re- folution of its members, upon Satur- day the 2 1 ft ult. I think it now incumbent upon me to explain the principles, upon which I conducted myfelf in the difcharge of an office, to which the partiality of you r- felf, and the other gentlemen of the Huii- tingdonffiire Committee, had a fecond time appointed me.

Although I was perfuaded, that an Houfe of Commons, conftituted as the prefent, would never be induced by the fu-pplications of the people to take an -active part in di- miniftiing the influence of the Crown, yet I thought it my duty to concur in an ap- plication to that purpofe; perceiving it to be the general opinion of the delegates, that liich application ffiouid take the lead of what I own has always appeared to me the moft eligible plan of reformation — I mean , . A that

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A LETTER

T O

Sir ROBERT BERNARD, Bart*

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Chairman of the Huntingdonfjirt Committee .

S I R,

"'H E Delegation being clofed by a re- folution of its members, upon Satur- day the 2 1 ft u It. I think it now incumbent upon me to explain the principles, upon which I conduced myfelf in the difcharge of an office, to which the partiality of your- felf, and the other gentlemen of the Hun- tingdonfhire Committee, had a fecond time appointed me.

Although I was perfuaded, that an Houfe of Commons, conftituted as the prefent, would never he induced by the Supplications of the people to take an active part in di- minishing the influence of the Crown, yet I thought it my duty to concur in an ap- plication to that purpofe; perceiving it to be the general opinion of the delegates, that luch application lhould take the lead of what I own has always appeared to me the moft eligible plan of reformation — I mean

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that fubftantial reform in the reprefentative body, which in the higheft degree it con- cerns the people to advert to - a reform more practicable than is generally appre- hended, and which to my underftanding fuggefts the only hope of political falvation.

I mu ft confefs, it was with reluctance I contented to the idea of keeping out of light our delegated character in the title of the Petition, lately prefented to the Com- mons Houfe of Parliament. — It was with equal reluCtance I confented to wave the infertion of fome other circumftances, re- fpeCting the finance of this country, which feemed to me to call more loudly for par- liamentary reprehenlion, than any hitherto noticed in the petitions of the people.

It was alfo with difficulty I perfuaded myfelf 'to adopt a ftile in my idea too hum- ble for fuch an occalion — in an addrefs to the fervants of the people — to a body of men, of whom I verily believed the majority had already, in the Ihort period that hath elapfed fince their election, more than once manifefted an utter difresard to the interefts of their conftituents.

Urged by the force of thefe impreffions,

I declared my fentiments with that freedom which became your delegate — but I reflected, that if unanimity was ever delirable, it was peculiarly fo at the outlet of our undertak-

ing. I therefore acquiefced in the idea of petitioning as a freeholder of your county, and conceded to the general wifh of abiding by a form, which, it was urged, had al- ready received the fanction of a very con- liderable part of the community.

It was with heartfelt pleafure that I was witnefs to the well-informed zeal, with which the worthy Deputies^ of Yorkfhire opened and fupported the plan of parliamen- tary reformation, announced in the addrefs of their Committee, and that fpirit of pa- triotifm, with which their idea was generally adopted by the alfembly.

To the Unit part of that plan, which pro- pofed the addition of at leaft one hundred members, to be chol'en in due proportion in the leveral counties o'f this kingdom, I gave my concurrence ; being inclined to hope, that fuch an inftitution, which had already been approved by many of the afio- ciated counties, might be ialutary in its confequences ; and not inconfiftent with thole more enlarged fchemes of reformation, which I trulf the fpirit and good lenfe of the Englilh nation will hereafter carry into effect.

But, in order that my fubfequent con- duct may appear in its proper point of view,

I requefl the indulgent attention of the Committee to the following confiderations :

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It feemed to be the general opinion of the delegates, that parliamentary freedom and independence might be reftored by an improved arrangement of the prefent elec- tors of this kingdom. I did not therefore controvert the idea in this ftage of the bufi- nefs — I concurred with them in practice as far as they went — but my theory led me to more extenlive conclufions.

I confidered that the perfons, who at prefent exercife the power of election in the name of the people of England, might be diftributed into three clafles *.

In the fir ft clafs would be contained thofe inhabitants of this kingdom, who poffefs freeholds to the amount of forty {hillings a year and upwards, fuppol'ed to be in number 130,000, and electing 92 members to ferve for 52 counties.

. The fecond clafs would comprehend

43.000 citizens, freemen and others, who eleft 52 members for 23 cities and 2 univer- fities.

In the third or laft clafs would be found

41.000 electors, who choofe 369 members for 192 towns and boroughs.

It was propofed by the Deputies of York'-

* Report of the Weftminfler Sub* Committee, dated Jlaich 19, 1780.

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dure, that the members ele&ed by the 130,000 freeholders fhould amount at the lead: to 192.

As a further barrier againd undue in- fluence, I propofed that one hundred fhould be fubtrafted from the 369 burgefles chofen at prefent by the 41,000 electors, in order that the fum total of the members elected by the prefent freeholders, citizens, freemen, burgefles, and other electors of England, might remain the fame as before.

The motion was not fupported — the rea- fons that induced me to propofe this altera- tion are as follows :

In the fir A place it appeared to me, that the Houfe of Commons is already fuffici- ently numerous for all the purpofes of it's inditution. In the happied periods of our hidory its number was far inferior to what it is at prefent : and it has been ably ob- ferved, that with the increafe of its mem- bers would in all probability be increafed the national depravity,, and the expence of the public ; % unlefs at the fame time fuch meafures were embraced, as by fubjedting

X The Refolution, actually aflented to by the Delega- tion, propofes that the additional members fliould be chofen in due proportion, in the fevcral cities as well as

counties of the kingdom A provifion which rather

ftrengthens than impairs the argument in favour of a di- minution of the borough members.

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the reprefentative to the controul of the condituent, would neceflarily place him be- yond the power of corruption.

I fecondly reflected that the perfons, who eleCt the 369 members to ferve for the towns 'and boroughs of the kingdom, are the mod dependent part of the nation; and are acknowledged to be in every refpeCt the leaft worthy of being intruded with the ex- ercife of fo important a power as they at prefent enjoy, to the great injury of the landed and commercial intereds of this country.

In the lad place I confidered, that the popular fentiment leemed more favourable to the idea of diminidiing the number of the Borough members, than to the pro- pofed augmentation in the counties. And although it was alledged, that in cafe this idea were adopted, we fhould have the Al- tered of the proprietors of boroughs to contend with, it appeared to me fuch Altered might be purchated in many indances by a proper compenlation ; and that even in cate dome reluctance diould be manifeded by any of the parties concerned, fuch perfons would probably not continue to oppofe the general with, when they reflected, that the power they enjoyed was utterly inconfldent with the people’s undoubted right to an equal reprefentation, whenever they might think proper to aflert it.

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In propoling this improvement, I proceed- ed upon the idea, adopted by my brethren of the delegation. But in faCt I efteem all proportions for an improved arrangement of the prefent voters of this kingdom, in no further degree worthy of the attention of the public, than as they are preparatory Heps to that complete reformation, which I am now more than ever perfuaded might be effected by the peaceful efforts of the people, acting by their Committees, and uniting in a general affociation to fupport their re- folves.

1 am, as will afterwards more fully ap- pear, decidedly of opinion, that an Englifh Houfe of Commons fhould be a reprefenta- tion of perfons, not of property — of men, not of things — and that there is no neceffity for the delegation of the important right of election to any portion of the community, intermediate between the rep refen tative and the great collective body of the people. But fuppofing thefe points were to be conceded, and luppofing the fum total of the Handing electors of this kingdom, who are at prefent allowed to exercile this powder in derogation of the right of more than a million of their fellow-citizens, now excluded from their franchife, were to remain as at this day, it may reafonably be demanded, whether the 130,00c freeholders who now enjoy the

privilege

privilege of electing 92 members, are the perfons, whom the landed intereft would de- pute for this important purpofe ? Whether there be not a large proportion of them, who, not wi thdandin g their legal qualifica- tion, cannot claim, from their ftation in life, this great pre-eminence— and whether many ' copyholders are not rejeded in the prefelit fyftem, whofe independent circum fiances would render them fitter objeds of this

With refped to the 84,000 citizens, bur- geffes, and other inhabitants of England, whoeled the remaining 421 members, can we ferioufly maintain, that they properly re- p relent the various branches of the commer- cial -interefi of this country? And can it be imagined, that the liberties and properties of more than five millions of people can be ihfe, when intruded in the hands of repre- fentatives, of whom it has been demon- strated the majority may be returned by a number of electors lefs than 6000, con lift- ing in general of the mod dependent and molt venal part of the community ?

I will difmifs the fubjed of reprefenta- tion for the prefent, and proceed to the next objed of Parliamentary reformation propo-

* gee Burgh’s Political Difquifitions, Vof. I. c. 4- and Mr. Wilkes’s admirable Speech in favour of a more equal

reprefentation of the people.

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fed by the Yorkshire Committee, viz. the Shortening the duration of Parliaments to a period not exceeding three years.

I had the pleafure of concurring with the delegates in their find: refolution reflecting this lubjedt. — The propriety of the meafure was ably debated, and the general fentiment decidedly in its favour. — The refolution, as moved by Sir James Norcliif, was as follows: “ Resolved,

That the bill, enacting the Septennial du- ration of Parliaments, was a violation of the rights of the people, by which the conftitu- tional connexion between the conflituent body and the reprefentative has been im- paired, and the Parliament expol'ed to great and fyftematic corruption.”

This refolution palled with the following- amendments — After the words Septennial duration of Parliaments was inierted, “how- ever expedient it might have been rendered by the circumftances of the times,7’ and in- ltead of fvjlematic corruption was fqbflituted “ unconilitutional influence.” I do not con- ceive thefe alterations to have been real im- provements of this motion.

I have always imagined the Triennial bill to be equally a violation of the conflitution with the Septennial. 1 conceive allb that the proper bufinefs of a reprefentative, as indeed is evident from the tenor of the antient writs,

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is to act as an agent for his confritirents in the. great amenably of the nation, aijd in their, name to aflfent to'fuch meafiires, as he appre- hends they would approve. IwouldaSk, whe- ther the fenle of the people can with propriety be fuppofed to be exprefled in that aSfembly, by perfons delegated, as it might happen^ nearly three years before the actual iffuing of the yearly proclamation for its convention r Urged by the force of thefe reflections, I made the following motion, which, for want of being Supported, occasioned no debate :

“ Resolved,

That the people of England have an un- doubted right to an Annual election of mem- bers to ferve in the Commons Houle of Par- liament— and that the aft of the Sixth of William the Third, which afforded the firft legal Sanction to the duration of Parliaments beyond a tingle feflion, was Subversive of the constitution, and a violation on the part of the representatives of the lacred truft repoStd in them by their Constituents.”

It was with pain I differed from the York- shire gentlemen, and the majority of the deputation in the Sub Sequent rd'olution, which is now Subjoined :

<f Resolved,

That when by the peaceful and Jegal ef- forts of the people, a more frugal manage- ment of the public purle, and a more ade- quate L

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quate reprefentation in Parliament fliall have been obtained, the repeal of the Septennial bill would form a Prong barrier againft the inroads of Parliamentary corruption, and the alarming- influence of the Crown.”

I will not trouble the Committee with a fecital of the various reasons, which induced me to oppofe the palling of this refolution — They were very different, 1 believe, from thofe which influenced the two other depu- tations, who concurred with me on this oc- cafion. It may be fuflicient for the prefent to obferve, that with fome formality I de- clared, that I objected to this motion, “ be- caufe it postpones the redrefs of an acknow- ledged violation of the conAitution, until that more frugal management of the public purfe fliall have been obtained, which I am per- fliaded the controlling power of a Commons Houfe of Parliament, elected in conformity to antient ufage, lolely can elfedt.”

. Previoufly to my Aatement of the lap motion I made in the afl'embly of delegates, I would beg leave to fubmit to you the fol- lowing conflderations in the form of queries. If they fliould not have fo much weight with the Committee as they had with me, they may yet convince the gentlemen who com- pofe it, that 1 did not aft without reflection, and that if my conduct was erroneous, my intentions were neverthelefs fliicere.

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1. Is it pra&icable to aflign to the preferrt 214,000 electors of England any fuch -new arrangement, as fhall render it poffible for them to return . a free and independent Commons Houfe of Parliament ?

2. Does not the mode of electing two members for each county of this kingdom, however varying in extent and population, befides the obvious inequality it introduces into the reprelentation, alfo give rife, efpe- cially in the larger counties, to that riot, confufion, and undue influence, which might effectually be removed by a new allotment into diftricts, each containing as much as may be the fame number of inhabitants, and electing one member ?

3. Do not the petitions to Parliament, re- fpeCting contefted elections in boroughs, al- moft intirely arife from the various qualifi- cations annexed to the right of voting ? and therefore would not thefe contefts, which form one of the ftrongeft objections to the revival of the antient conftitutional Parlia- ments of a fingle feflion, be almoft unknown, if the legal age of the citizen were conlidered as the only qualification of the voter ?

4. Is there any abfolute neceflity for having recourfe to the Houfe of Commons in order to re-eftabliih the inhabitants of this coun- try in their undoubted right to an equal, an- nual, and univerfil reprelentation ol them-

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felves in Parliament ? and would not an adt of delegates freely chofen by the people, aflented to by the king and hereditary nobi- lity, be fufficient for this purpofe ? *

5. Is it not the duty of all men who wifh well to their country, and have influence in the community, to ftate the fubftantial rights of the people, and to ufe luch arguments as may induce them by every legal and confti- tutional method to aflert them ? -j-

6. Is it not much more likely that the commonalty of England, when national diftrefs fhall have awakenec] them to a fenfe of their own mifcondudt, would embrace a mode of reformation, which actually reinflates

* la myaddrefs to the freeholders of Middlefex, printed at the clofe of the year 1779, this queftion is treated more diffufely. — I am fatisfied the doffrine, maintained in that traff, is truly conflitutional, and might be reduced to practice by the peaceable efforts of the people.

f If that body of our fellow- citizens, who for many years have oppofed in the Commons’ Houfe of Parliament the ruinous meafures of the prefent adminilhation, were folemnly to fecede from an allembly, in which it is irn- poflible for argument, aided by the fublimeft eloquence, to be of any avail — and, affembling the counties, would explain the grounds of their feceflion, and declare their perfuafion, that the laft hope of England now refts on the conflitutional exertions of the collective body of the peo- ple, they would certainly difeharge the duty they owe to their conftituents, and probably preferve their country from impending deftruCtion.

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them in the poffeffion of an important fran- chife, than that they fhould intereft them-, felves in the eftablilhment of a fvftem of meafureS, of which it requires a long train of circuitous reafoning to demonftrate to them the ufe ?

The motion grounded oii the doCtrine contained in the preceding queries, the greateft part of which I with pleafure ac-. knowledge I have been led to adopt in con- fequence of the incomparable publications of Major Cartwright, was as follows :

“ Whereas, after folemn argument and the mold difpaliionate difcullion, it appears to this aflembly, that the right of election , for members to ferve in the Commons’ Houle of Parliament (which at prefent, to the great detriment of the nation, is uu- , warrantably exerciled by an inconfiderabie portion of the community, in many refpeCts incompetent to the difcharge of lo import- ant a truft) doth in truth conftitutionally appertain to, and might conveniently be exercifed by every male inhabitant of the' kingdom, arrived at the legal age of diicre- tion. — And whereas the people in their col- lective capacity (by reafon that the voice ol the commonalty of England is no lels ne- ceffary to every legiflative purpofe, than that of either the king or the lords) have a juft and inherent right to correCt the abules ot .

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parliamentary representation, whenever Such abufes fhall have fo increafed, as to rob them of their conftitutional fhare in their

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own government ;

“ Resolved,

That it be recommended to the Com- mittees of Correspondence, eftablifhed in this kingdom, to carry into immediate ef- fect the proper meafures, for collecting the

free and unbiased fenfe of the inhabitants

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of the feveral counties, cities, and boroughs of England, refpeCting the prel'ent uncon- stitutional infringements of their election franchifes, and the means that Should be employed for their recovery.”

I prefaced this motion with a defence of the principles upon which it was founded. I entered largely into the practicability and expediency ot the meafure — and urged, that, as no alterations ought to be attempted, which did not meet with the full concur- rence of the people, it was neceflary to adopt the proper means for collecting the fenle of the people ; — but this motion alfo not being Supported occafioned no debate.

A motion being then made for the im- mediate diflolution of our aflembly, I thought it my duty to oppofe it. I wifhed that we might continue in existence until we were enabled, at lead:, to report the fate of our petition ; but I was unfupported in my op- polition, and the meeting was difiolved.

I can-

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I cannot be unconfcious, that, from my own report, I fland expofed to the charge of fingularity in many parts of my con- duct— I regard it as a misfortune— the gen- tlemen of the Delegation are defervcdly refpefled — in point of integrity, ability, and public fpirit, they cannot have more fmcere and zealous admirers than myfelf. With many of them 1 am united in the ftridleft bonds of friendfhip ; and 1 can truly fay, I felt more poignant uneahnefs, from my not being able to concur with them in fentiment, than I fhould have ex- perienced of apprehenrton, had it been my lot to have flood fingle amidfl an hofl of foes.

It is poffible, but I deliver it only as matter of opinion, that fome gentlemen in the delegation might think it prudent for us to infrtl only on a portion of what might juftly be demanded, for the purpofe of con- ciliating the favourable attention of a pow- erful party to our views. But it may not be unufeful to reftedl, that we are agents for the democratical part of the Conllitution, and that it is not real'onable to expect, that we fhall be ftrenuoufly iupported by the nobility, unlels when the common danger fliall become extreme — in luch circumflan- ces the virtuous part of the nobility will unite with us. When that danger is at a diftance, retaining the natural prejudices o

their order, they will not be fangume in cur

caute — *

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c.aufe — I fay this with an exception of fome elevated characters, whofe generofity of fen- timent in fupporting the rights of the peo- ple is above my praife.

With refpect to the commonalty at large, I am fatisfied the prefent languor of pa- triotifm did not originate with them — they were inclined in the laft year to adopt the moft fpirited meafures — but, through the want of concord in their leaders, they now, alas ! know not in whom thev can confide.

I am not an advocate for an intemperate expreffion of zeal, nor inclined to appeal even to the conftitutionai powers of the people upon trivial occafions, and without a p.ofpect of fuccefs. But I am perfuaded that a timely declaration of the popular fenti- ment, refpecting the long violated rights of reprefentation, would be the moft likely method of preventing the further inroads of defpotilm, and the final ruin of the ftate *.

Ever lince I took a part in politics, I have efteemed it my duty to avow, and to

f With fuch declaration might with propriety be com- bined a remonftrance againft the continuance of the Ameri- can war, and a difavowal of the principles and practices, which give occafion to its commencement. A remonftrarce of this nature, exprefltd in manly yet refpedfful language ro the throne, though it might not bend certain of thole inflexible fpirits who furreund it, would probably difpofe the hearts of our American brethren to peace, and to the conceflion of many commercial advantages in their power to grant, as a free and independent people.

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bring forward, to the utmoft of my power, thofe maxims, which I believed would pro- mote the peace and profperity of my coun- try. In political and religious difquifitions, as well as iimphilofophical, it is lurely a point of prudence to encourage a free com- munication of fuch hints, as, in the opinion of the propofers, may benefit mankind. Many doctrines, now univerfally received, were, at one period, the opinions of a few private individuals, 'which, though for a time oppofed by the combinations of in- terefi, an open appeal to the good fenfe of the community, at length hath carried into effect. — An unreferved communication ot fentiments is elfential to freedom of dif- cufiion — and that perfevering unanimity, which is the refult of conviction, can flourifh only where a free difcuffion hath previoufly prevailed. — For theie reafons 1 conceive that the moment, in which truth firft fuggefts itfelf to the mind, is the proper feafon for declaring it. 1

With regard to the inftance before us, the matter may be brought to this fhort iifue ; whether ij» be more expedient to with-hold a dodlrine conducive to the intereft.s of the people— to fufpend our exertions in a caufe demonftrably juft, becaufe ‘luch dodlrine or fuch exertions ' may poflibly be offenfive to perfons, whom we might wilh to con- i ...... ... ^ w**' ciliate —

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ciliate Or, relying on thofe. energies^

which an open avowal of political truth would moft probably excite in the breafts of Englifhmen of every defcription, intrepidly affert it in the face of our country, regard- Iefs of oppofition from whatever quarter it may arife. This is a queftion which fu- turity may probably decide. — j~ My own fen-

timents

f It has, of late years, been too much the cuftom with men of every defcription, to exprefs an unfavourable opi- nion of the general difpofition of the Englifh people.— They have been repeatedly rcprcfented as Grangers to principle in virtue and religion, and totally degenerate with regard to the love of liberty and public fpirit:.

[ can by no means aflent to a petition, which exhibits

my fellow-citizens in fo unpleafing a point of view 1

rrm perfuaded, that the contrary is a fadh I am perfuaded, that there does not only exift fufficient virtue in this coun- try to preferve what is left of the forms of the conftitu- tion, but that there alfo remains fuch a portion of public fpirir, as, under proper diredtion, would reftore that con- flitution to its primaeval integrity and fplendor.

" When the brave and injured Keppel endured that me- morable conflidl, to which the arts of bafe detradfion had expofed him, with a firmnefs and compofure, which

cOnfcious innocence could alone afford What were the

fentiments, that occupied the minds of the attentive au- dience at that important hour ? Refpedi for injured me- rit, ftrong refentmenr, and anxious expedition, by turns maintained the intire pofleffion of their fouls. And at the moment of his acquittal, when furrounded by his fellow- citizens, he obtained a triumph, more truly honourable, more truly glorious, than England yet had witnefled, did not a fpirit, manly and exalted as his own, inform each Englifh bread ?

Nor

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timents are fufficiently apparent ; and I truft this avowal of them will be received with candour by yourfelf and the other gentle- men of the Committee, to whom, with the utmoft refpedt and moff cordial good wilhes* they are addrefled by their

Devoted humble fervant,

JOHN JEBB,

Craven-fireet,

13th May, 1781.

Nor were thefe fentiments of more than Roman virtue confined to the fpeftators of this affedting fcene — they diffufed themfelves with refiftlefs energy to the remoteft quarters of the ifiand — and while the meaneft of the mul- titude felt thofe generous emotions, which public virtue only can infpire, Decus et Tutamen, the proper motto of nobility, appeared to be inferibed in fplendid characters on each illuftrious brow.

Is it poffible that my fellow-citizens, who interefted themfelves fo warmly in the caufe of injured virtue, (hould remain utterly infenfible, when their country calls? Can a nation, thus feeling for another’s honour, long continue regardlefs of fts own ?